scholarly journals The Context of the Marxist-Leninist View of Slovak Literature 1945-1969

1986 ◽  
pp. 36
Author(s):  
Norma Rudinsky
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Literary Criticism ◽  
Aesthetic Appreciation ◽  
World War ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Democratic Aesthetic ◽  
Insight Into

This paper resulted from an attempt to explore factors determining or underlying the "Marxificalion" of Slovak literature after 1945-- an attempt motivated by a hunch that certain Marxisl-Leninisl principles had provided a different insight into Slovak literature from that provided by the liberal, democratic "aesthetic appreciation" school of criticism in prewar Czechoslovakia. The idea that Slovak literary criticism has thrived, relatively, since World War II is by no means new and was advanced, for example, by emigre crilics.

UKRAINIAN EMIGRE TRANSLATORS’ ACTIVITY IN WEST GERMANY AFTER WORLD WAR II

2019 ◽  
pp. 150-160
Author(s):  
Maria Ivanytska
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Literary Criticism ◽  
Publishing House ◽  
West Germany ◽  
World War ◽  
Proletarian Literature ◽  
Scholarly Publications ◽  
Post War ◽  
Insight Into ◽  
German Reader

The article provides an insight into the work of cultural activists in Germany in the post-war decades. It delineates the following groups of translators and popularizers of Ukrainian literature in West Germany: 1) German speakers: Halychyna descendant Hans Koch and Elisabeth Kottmeier, the wife of the Ukrainian poet Igor Kosteckyj; 2) the Ukrainian scholars who began their activity before the war: Dmytro (Dimitrij) Tschižeswskij, Iwan Mirtschuk; 3) representatives of the younger wave of emigration – Jurij Bojko-Blochyn, Olexa and Anna-Halja Horbatsch, Igor Kostetskyj, Mychahlo Orest, Jurij Kossatsch and others. The author reflects on the question whether or not the post-war Ukrainian emigration was integrated into a wider context of German culture. This is analyzed from the vantage point of the Western European reader’s/ literary critic’s readiness for the reception of Ukrainian literature. Among the first promoters of Ukrainian literature was the Artistic Ukrainian Movement (Munich), whose member of the board, Jurij Kossatsch, published the first review of the then contemporary Ukrainian literature in the German language “Ukrainische Literatur der Gegenwart” (1947). The author analyzes the first collection of translations of Ukrainian poetry “Gelb und Blau: Moderne ukrainische Dichtung in Auswahl” (“Yellow and Blue: Selected Contemporary Ukrainian Poetry”) compiled by Wolodimir Derzhawin, who condemned the persecution and extermination of poets in the USSR, criticized proletarian literature and the choice of authors. The preface by Derzhavin testified to the conviction of Ukrainian emigrants that free Ukrainian literature could flourish only in the exile. The work of the translators’ tandem of Igor Kosteckyj and Elisabeth Kottmeier is further described. The chronological and quantitative comparison of scholarly publications on Ukrainian literature in the then West Germany revealed that one of the major accomplishments of the Ukrainian diaspora was the transition from the complete lack to a gradual increase of interest in the aforementioned subject. The article emphasizes the significance of the translating activity of Anna-Halja Horbatsch aimed at introducing Ukrainian literature to the German Slavic Studies scholars along with ordinary readers. This was made possible when large collections of translations “Blauer November. Ukrainische Erzähler unseres Jahrhunderts” (Blue November: Ukrainian writers of this century) and “Ein Brunnen für Durstige “ (“The Well for the Thirsty”) were out, and in the 90’s – when the publishing house specializing in translations from Ukrainian literature was founded. The Soviets’ negative reaction to those and previous publications is perceived as a manifestation of the political engagement of socialist literary criticism. Conclusion: Anna-Halja Horbatsch’ contribution to the systematic acquaintance of the West German reader with modern Ukrainian literature is by far the most significant due to her numerous translations, scholarly articles, and critical reviews.

scholarly journals Harold Garnet Callan. 5 March 1917 — 3 November 1993 Elected FRS 1963

2003 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
pp. 107-118
Author(s):  
Joseph G. Gall
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Air Force ◽  
Personal Information ◽  
World War ◽  
Royal Air Force ◽  
Professional Career ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Chief Interest ◽  
The University ◽  
Insight Into

With the death of Harold Garnet (‘Mick’) Callan on 3 November 1993, the community of cell biologists lost one of the twentieth century's most profound and colourful students of chromosomes. During his 50-year scientific career the study of chromosomes and genes went from purely descriptive and morphological to deeply analytical and molecular. Steeped by training in the earlier tradition, Callan nevertheless contributed enormously to this revolution with his meticulous studies on the giant chromosomes of amphibians, all the while maintaining that he was a ‘mere cytologist’ on whom much of the molecular analysis was lost. Mick Callan and I were professional colleagues and close personal friends whose careers intersected at many points. We visited and worked in each other's laboratories, we published together, we generated a voluminous correspondence (much of it in the days when letters were handwritten), and our families enjoyed many good times together in Scotland and the USA. My most difficult task in writing this biography has been to extract from the vast amount of public and personal information in my possession those parts of Mick Callan's life and work that will be of chief interest to a broader audience. I have been helped in this by a 30 000-word autobiography written by him near the end of his life, covering the period from his birth in 1917 to the end of World War II in 1945. This account provides considerable insight into the factors that shaped his later professional career and is an engrossing account of the life of a boy in prewar England and a young man at Oxford and in the Royal Air Force (RAF) during the worst days of the war. Callan's autobiography has been deposited in the University library, St Andrews, Scotland.

De-securitization, sexual violence, and the politics of silence

2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 219-234
Author(s):  
Sabine Hirschauer
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Sexual Violence ◽  
Security Studies ◽  
World War ◽  
Security Issue ◽  
State Identity ◽  
German State ◽  
The Us ◽  
Discursive Representations ◽  
Insight Into

Drawing on the author’s archival research in Germany and the US, empirical data about US-allied troop sexual violence during post-World War II occupied Germany suggests a complex interplay between gender, security, silence production, and state identity. Through a feminist security studies lens, this article theorizes about an unexplored, obscured form of de-securitization: the unmaking of a security issue or referent object as active silence. De-securitization as silence provides a unique insight into silence production, gender’s normativity, and security. To move beyond de-securitization’s presumed politicization, the argument identifies specific hypervisibilities and new state-self, dominant memory regimes as acts, discursive representations, processes, or incidents of de-securitization – producing and reproducing active silence and facilitating the making of a newly imagined, ‘good’ German state-self.

scholarly journals Nostalgia and Cultural Memory in Barber's Knoxville: Summer of 1915

2008 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 211-229
Author(s):  
Benedict Taylor
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Cultural Memory ◽  
Rich Source ◽  
World War ◽  
James Agee ◽  
Private World ◽  
Cultural Movements ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Insight Into

Abstract Samuel Barber's ““lyric rhapsody”” for soprano and orchestra, Knoxville: Summer of 1915 (1947), is one of his most celebrated and complicated pieces. The most ostensibly backward-looking, nostalgic work of this ““conservative,”” neoromantic composer, Knoxville is yet atypical of Barber in that by most accounts it is the most American piece in an oeuvre otherwise rarely seen as touched by national flavor. Dating from an era just recovering from the cataclysm of World War II, Knoxville can be seen as conjuring a gentler age, a state of lost innocence, which as its subsequent reception has showed proved an enduring site of cultural memory. And this work that appeals to so many as an embodiment of collective national identity is simultaneously wrapped up in a highly personal response by Barber to a text of James Agee with a deeply autobiographical meaning for author and composer. Knoxville: Summer of 1915 offers a rich source of insight into Barber's music and aesthetics, in its constructions of memory and nostalgia at both a personal, autobiographical level and broader cultural one. Excavating these layers reveals a fuller picture of the composer and what his music has been taken to mean, exposing the relationship between Barber's private world and wider cultural movements and his often understated politics.

scholarly journals Cotroceni Palace Symbol of the Propaganda of the Communist Regime From Romania in the Years 1948 - 1977

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 76-110
Author(s):  
Ioana DRĂGULIN ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Logical Consequence ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
World War ◽  
Totalitarian Regime ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Global Power ◽  
Major Shift ◽  
Historical Role

World War II produced a major shift in global power relations and led to the emergence of bipolarism. The agreements reached by the Allies in Yalta in February 1945 sanctioned the USSR's rule over Eastern Europe. In this context, the takeover of political power and the changes imposed in the economy by the communists in Romania, with the direct help of the USSR was a logical consequence. All the events that took place in Romania between August 23, 1944 and December 31, 1947 were part of the logic of communizing the Romanian society and state on the Soviet model. The communization of Romania followed a path that provided for the invalidation of the liberal, democratic, bourgeois, capitalist model of society and the imposition of another communist, undemocratic, egalitarian, totalitarian model. In order to achieve this goal, measures had been brutally applied to restrict citizens' rights, both politically and in terms of expression or property. In this context, the change of the historical role of the Royal Palace from Cotroceni to the Palace of the Pioneers was part of the propagandistic activity of a totalitarian regime which, in the absence of popular legitimacy, by vote, had to "fabricate" a history to legitimize it in front of the Romanian people.

scholarly journals The EU: Towards a United States of Europe

Federalism-E ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-21
Author(s):  
Eric Servais
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
The European Union ◽  
World War ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Structural Framework ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Collective Decisions ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Eu

The European Union (EU), a contested “European” political construct, is contemporarily positioned at a critical juncture that presents three options that may determine its status as a supranational actor: stagnation, dissolution, or deeper and wider integration. The myriad pressures antagonizing the European Union and its structural foundations parallel those that the project sought to address following World War II. The unprecedented level of devastation caused by advanced military technologies and totalitarian ideologies in the war provided the impetus for increased cooperation amongst independent nation-states. Institutional cooperation encourages the deconstruction of destructive socio-political forces including racism, nationalism, and primordial cultural identities. These essentialist forces emerge in the absence of effective governance and encourage internal and external hostilities. The EU is intended to provide a structural framework for liberal-democratic countries to make collective decisions to increase economic prosperity, freedom, security, and justice [...]

scholarly journals Government vs opposition voting in the Finnish parliament Eduskunta since World War II

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antti Pajala
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Random Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Insight Into

In a parliamentary system it is by definition justified to assume the government parties voting almost always in a unitary manner in plenary votes. In a multiparty system it is, however, hard to predict how the opposition groups vote. Few studies analysing government-opposition voting in the Finnish parliament Eduskunta were published during the 1960s and 1970s. This study provides similar analyses regarding the parliamentary years of 1991-2012. Combined the studies provide an insight into the government-opposition relations since World War II. The results show that before the 1990s the government-opposition division in plenary votes appeared rather clear and the political party groups’ positions followed the traditional left-right dimension. Since the 1990s, the government-opposition division has become greater. The governing coalition acts almost as a bloc while the opposition groups are divided into moderate and hard opposition. The opposition groups, however, appear in a more or less random order. Consequently, since the 1990s the left-right dimension has disappeared with respect to plenary voting.

scholarly journals Nathalie Skowronek « a la recherche de Max » : Construction litteraire et autometatextualite dans les ouvrages de la 3e generation de la Shoah

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 187-208
Author(s):  
José Luis Arráez
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Literary Texts ◽  
Historical Event ◽  
World War ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
Scientific Papers ◽  
Moral Narrative ◽  
Insight Into

The third generation survivors of the World War II genocide of the European Jews withstand, analyse and create literary texts about the Holocaust, a historical event, which was not endured by them directly but experienced through scientific papers and creative literature. Thanks to Nathalie Skowronek, a novelist living in Brussels, and her publication of Max en apparence (2013) and La Shoah de Monsieur Durand (2015), we can gain some insight into the social and literary reality of Jewish genocide memory and into its intergenerational transmission. Firstly, we will carefully analyse the approach used by this author in the composition of a biographical text about her grandfather’s reconstruction of events. After that, using an intertextual approach, we will analyse formal and moral narrative considerations of the authoress which govern the literary reconstruction grandfather’s biography.

scholarly journals Faith Church: Roma Baptists Challenging Religious Barriers in Interwar Romania

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 316-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iemima Ploscariu
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Religious Affiliation ◽  
Faith Communities ◽  
World War ◽  
Protestant Church ◽  
Border Regions ◽  
Majority Population ◽  
Double Minority ◽  
Insight Into

In interwar Romania, the numbers of Baptists grew exponentially among the ethnic majority population in the border regions of Transylvania, Banat, and Bessarabia. In the competition over souls and for cultural space in the newly formed Greater Romania, the Roma became an important minority to win over. In 1930, Petar Mincov visited Chișinău and spurred outreach to the Roma among Romanian Baptists as he had in Bulgaria. It was here and in the cities of Arad and Alba-Iulia that some of the first Romanian Roma converted to the Baptist denomination. The first Roma Baptist (and first Roma neo-Protestant) Church, called Biserica Credinţa (Faith Church), was founded in Arad city around 1931. Confessional newspapers in English, Romanian, and Russian from the interwar period reveal the initiative taken by members of the local Roma community to convert and to start their own church. The article analyses the role of Romanian Baptist leadership in supporting Roma churches and the development of these new faith communities in the borderland regions. Unlike outsider attempts to foster a Roma Baptist community in Bucharest, the Faith Church survived World War II and communist governments, and provides insight into the workings and agency of a marginalized double minority. The article also looks at the current situation of Roma evangelicals in Arad city and how the change in religious affiliation has helped or hindered attempts at inclusion and policy change.

Rape in militarised conflicts: variations in international outrage and responsiveness

2008 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 237-275 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc G. Pufong ◽  
Randall D. Swain
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
International Community ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Gender Violence ◽  
International Peace ◽  
World War ◽  
International Response ◽  
Insight Into

World War II genocide in Germany, the Rwanda genocide in the early 1990s and the Darfur genocide today are visceral reminders of the devastation and senselessness in the breakdown of human order, a poignant but sad insight into the nature of man and politics. Yet the international community, and by extension the United Nations (UN), have shown a remarkable reluctance to address rape and other forms of gender violence perpetrated during militarised conflicts. Given the psychological toll and devastating effect of rape and the growing number of conflicts, this effort does not speak well to the UN’s commitment to problems that destabilise international peace. It does however raise concerns in the minds of those who see the UN as cherrypicking which conflicts to address while sidestepping others until it is too late. With a view to the Allies’ response to genocide during World War II, this article argues that the realist analytical framework of world politics provides the most plausible basis for explaining variations in international response in militarised conflicts such as Rwanda and Darfur. We present testable hypotheses to conclude that while rape in itself may not be the sole trigger for interventions, states with unstable regimes or sovereign capacity whose government has been deposed are more likely to be the object for interventions or held accountable than those with otherwise stable governments who benefit from the support of a hegemonic power. To victims of crimes of rape caught in militarised conflicts, and to whom justice may come only after a perpetrator regime has been deposed, the conclusion that the decision to intervene is predicated more on political might than justice is disquieting.

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