scholarly journals Theoretical Approaches to the Concept of Responsibility of Members of Political Parties and its Correlation with Legal Responsibility

Author(s):  
V. Е. Mamedova

The paper proposes the author’s understanding of responsibility of members of political parties provided by the political parties’ constitutions and other intraparty documents (intraparty responsibility). Also, the paper demarcates intraparty responsibility, legal and other types of social responsibility. It is concluded that the responsibility of members of political parties is a subspecies of social and statutory responsibility. The study has determined the tendency of convergence (diffusion) of internal party and legal responsibilities; the analysis has been carried out concerning perspectives of treating the responsibility of members of political parties as positive; the author substantiates the conclusion about the need to study intraparty responsibility exclusively in retrospective aspect. The author elucidates the thesis concerning expediency of enforcement of intra-party penalties as the subject matter of responsibility of members of political parties. Also, the basic properties of intra-party responsibility are revealed and analyzed. The study has investigated the influence of ambivalent nature of political parties and peculiarities of intra-party relations regarding the properties of responsibility of members of political parties.

2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryan Garsten

In his account of how each of us deliberates about what to do, Aristotle remarks that we do not always trust ourselves on important matters and so sometimes take counsel from others. Taking counsel from others is, in some ways, merely an expansion of the internal activity of deliberation; the suggestions come from other people rather than from our ownminds, but the judgment about them remains our own. In other ways, however, taking counsel is quite different from deliberating with oneself. These differences are the subject matter of the art of rhetoric, as Aristotle understands it. The paper compares the political relationship at work in deliberative rhetoric with slavery, which collapses the separateness of persons, and with friendship, which preserves it. And suggests that the importance of anger in Aristotle’s treatment of rhetoric can be understood as a reflection on the implications of human separateness.


1983 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas E. J. Wiedemann

The comparative infrequency of references to women in Thucydides' history has often been remarked upon, and explained as due in part to the choice of warfare as his theme, and in part to the success of the Greek republics in excluding women from the political arena. As Pericles says in his funeral speech, women ought to give their menfolk the least possible cause to have to take note of them (2.45.2). But the exclusion of women from the subject-matter of historical discourse is peculiarly Thucydidean. Powell's Lexicon tells us that Thucydides' contemporary Herodotus uses γ⋯νηs 373 times, while the number of references to women/wives, mothers, priestesses etc. in Thucydides is less than fifty. This does not mean of course that Thucydides has no interest in, or sympathy for, women: frequently he mentions them as the passive objects of military circumstances precisely in order to underline the tragic effects of warfare. But some of the references to women are decidedly curious. There is a clear example in the account of the unsuccessful Theban attack on Plataea in 431 B.C., with which active hostilities began. Thucydides tells us that some of the Thebans who were locked into the town escaped by breaking open a deserted gate without being noticed (2.4.4). Why does he gratuitously mention that it was a women – presumably a Plataean – who gave her enemies an axe: γυναικ⋯ς δο⋯σης π⋯λɛκυν Clearly, it is an overimplification to say that Thucydides ignores women.


1959 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastian De Grazia

Authority is a subject indispensable to politics. No other word carries its basic sense of legitimate power, power exercised over those who have willed its exercise. Cut off from the vocabulary of political theorists it comes back in other guises. Playing hide-and-seek with words would not in itself be so important were it not that it takes time merely to recognize that a game is being played and to realign the new words, each bearing a fraction of the old meaning, into the framework of facts and ideas with which the original concept was associated. It can be urged, on the positive side, that a re-shuffling of words, breaking them up and giving them slightly different connotations, might stir up not only clouds of dust but also some original thinking. This has not happened with the principle of authority. Rather it has been forgotten and is now remembered. The interval has seen little gain. Perhaps “power” has profited in attention, but at the expense of being confused with authority and thus of giving new life to the Thrasymachian conception of politics and its study. Instead, the subject matter of the political scientist is earthly authority and its relation to the divine.


1971 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald D. Feldman

The Kapp-Lüttwitz Putsch, hastily begun on March 13, 1920, and ingloriusly ended with the resignation of Dr. Wolfgang Kapp on March 17, has already been the subject of significant study. The details of the putsch itself, the character of the conspirators, and their motives, the positions taken by the political parties and leaders, and the reasons for its failure are fairly Well known. It is generally agreed that the circle of conspirators had too narrow a social base and was too divided in its purposes to be successful. In essence, it was a revolt of unemployed reactionary East Elbian officials like Kapp himself and his “Minister of the Interior,” Traugott von Jagow, disgruntled conservative military officers, the most important of whom was Freiherr von Lüttwitz, and military adventurers like Colonel Max Bauer, Major Pabst, and Captain Ehrhardt. Where Kapp sought far-reaching constitutional and political changes, Lüttwitz strove for more short-term goals, i.e., reconstruction of the cabinet to give it an “expert” character, new elections, and a larger army. The Kapp regime was doomed because of the refusal of the government bureaucracy to serve it and because of the general strike called by the trade unions on March 14.


1977 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward O. Laumann ◽  
John P. Heinz

The process of specialization is now well advanced within the legal profession, and the specialties have acquired clearly varying levels of prestige among the practicing bar. What are the characteristics of the specialties, or of the lawyers who practice in them, that might account for these variations in prestige? In describing the prestige differences and several of the variables that might be thought to account for them, the authors analyze the results of a survey of a large random sample of Chicago lawyers. Among the findings are a strong relationship between prestige within the legal profession and the type of clients that the specialty serves, a substantial correlation between prestige and the degree of intellectual challenge presented by the subject matter of the specialty, and the perhaps surprising result that prestige is not significantly associated with the income earned by lawyers practicing in the specialty. The authors conclude that legal specialties that regularly confront personal suffering lose social standing as a result, that prestige within the profession is directly proportional to the degree to which the specialty facilitates the conduct of corporate enterprise, and that the varying prestige of the specialties is likely to affect the political and professional power of the lawyers who practice in them and to influence the patterns of recruitment of lawyers into law practice.


2020 ◽  
Vol 59 (89) ◽  
pp. 285-301
Author(s):  
Slobodanka Kovačević-Perić

Establishing an employment relationship involves acquiring or assuming certain rights, duties and responsibilities for both parties in the employment relationship, in accordance with the law, the collective agreement, the employer's general administrative acts, and the employment contract. An employment relationship involves not only the parties' rights and duties but also their responsibility. Responsibility can be of legal and non-legal nature. Legal responsibility (liability) is of greater importance for the employees. On the whole, legal responsibility may be disciplinary, material, administrative (for misdemeanors), economic (for economic offenses) and criminal in nature. The subject matter of labour law includes only disciplinary and material liability of the employee, while other types of legal responsibility are the subject matter of other legal disciplines. Although the former labour legislation of the Republic of Serbia regulated the disciplinary liability of the employees in detail, such practice has been completely abandoned in the new Labour Act, which only regulates the summary dismissal procedure. Unlike the Labour Act, the Civil Servants Act contains numerous provisions on the disciplinary and material liability of civil servants. This Act also regulates procedural issues regarding the rules for initiating and conducting a disciplinary proceeding, entering disciplinary sanctions in or removing them from the personnel files, etc. In this paper, the author analyzes disciplinary liability by examining the specifics of substantive and procedural norms for establishing this form of liability in the general and special employment relations regime. From the aspect of the rule of law, the author provides a critical analysis of such legislative solutions and considers their legal justification.


2021 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-47
Author(s):  
Charlotte Hammond ◽  
Andrew McGregor

This article explores the Orientalist dynamics of North/South sexual tourism in Laurent Cantet’s Vers le sud/Heading South (2005). The narrative of the film is structured around the self-interested motivations of three white middle-aged bourgeois Western women who travel from North America to Haiti in the late 1970s in order to explore their sexuality in what they perceive as an island paradise, effectively exiling themselves from the codified social behavior expected of them in their homeland. The women avail themselves of the pleasures offered by young black Haitian men, often in exchange for money or goods, and fuel one-sided fantasies of romantic love with their local hosts, seemingly oblivious to the Orientalist nature of such an imbalance of social and economic power. The article explores the historical context of the political repression and violence of late-1970s Haiti under the Duvalier regime, as well as the manifestations of spatial politics represented in the film. In its Haitian setting, Vers le sud sheds light on a relatively unfamiliar cultural and social milieu for the Western/Northern audience, with the director keenly aware of the exoticism of the subject matter and the impossibility of the film to maintain its neutrality in a problematic engagement with the Orient/South. The article argues that the privileged position of the film’s protagonists is matched not only by Cantet’s directorial gaze, but also by the intellectual detachment of postcolonial scholars such as the article’s authors, who acknowledge that their engagement with the subject matter risks re-enacting the Orientalist dynamics they seek to expose.


Teisė ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 70 ◽  
pp. 119-135
Author(s):  
Elena Masnevaitė

Pastaraisiais metais Lietuvoje vis labiau diskutuojama dėl politinėms partijoms skiriamų valstybės biu­džeto lėšų, jų didinimo, kontroliavimo ar... areštavimo. Politinės partijos yra tas subjektas, kuris atlieka mediaciją tarp valstybės ir visuomenės. Valstybė yra tuo suinteresuota, todėl skiria joms tam tikrą finan­sinę paramą, tarsi laikydamasi romėniškos maksimos do ut des. Korupcinių grėsmių požiūriu valstybės biudžeto lėšos yra patikimiausias politinių partijų finansavimo šaltinis, tačiau čia taip pat slypi pavojus, jog politinės partijos praras savo prigimtį ir taps kvazivalstybinėmis organizacijomis, atitrūkusiomis nuo visuomenės grupių ir jų „natūralaus“ suinteresuotumo finansiškai paremti joms priimtinas politines pro­gramas ir jų įgyvendintojus. Turint tai omenyje, šiame straipsnyje analizuojami Lietuvos politinių partijų finansavimo iš valstybės biu­džeto būdai ir formos. Remiantis kitų Europos valstybių patirtimi, atskleidžiami diskutuotini pasirinkto valstybinio politinių partijų finansavimo modelio aspektai, neproporcingos viešosios paramos proble­matika. Be to, pateikiamos rekomendacijos tobulinti reglamentavimą, kurio inicijuotos pataisos „įstrigo“ parlamentinėje procedūroje arba po priėmimo netapo reikiamai veiksmingomis. In Lithuania the funds from the state budget assigned to political parties, its growth, control and... arrest have become a topic of increasing debate over the last years. Political parties are the subject who performs mediation between the state and the society. The state is interested in the abovementioned function and therefore it assigns particular financial support to political parties as if conferred with the Roman maxim do ut des. At the standpoint of threats of corruption the state budget allocations are the most reliable source of funding for political parties, however, there is a risk that political parties will be deprived of their nature and turn into quasi governmental organisations that have lost touch with groups of the society and their „genuine” interest to support beneficial political programmes and their executers financially. While taking this into account the article deals with the ways and forms of financing the political parties from the state budget. Arguable issues of the model chosen by the state to fund political parties and the proble­matics of non proportionate public support are revealed in the article with reference to the experience of Eu­ropean states. Moreover, recommendations how to improve legal regulation whose initiated amendments „stuck“ in the parliamentary procedure or did not become due effective after their adoption are provided.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-76
Author(s):  
Arturo Luque González ◽  
Galo Gallardo-Carrillo

The objective of this research is to analyse the elements that facilitate and contribute to the development of the transnational textile sector considering exogenous factors, as well as its relationship with corporate social responsibility (CSR) through a Delphi analysis. We have used two panels of fifty-five experts related to the subject matter of study, which responded to the hypotheses in order to classify and analyse the results obtained by identifying them according to their economic, technological, social, political and legal influence, giving as a result, the existence of a universe of possibilities in the textile sector, circumstances that contribute to improving production in a more ethical and sustainable way.ResumenEl objetivo de esta investigación es analizar los elementos que facilitan y contribuyen al desarrollo del sector textil transnacional teniendo en cuenta factores exógenos, así como su relación con la responsabilidad social empresarial (RSE) a través de un análisis Delphi. Se han utilizado dos paneles de cincuenta y cinco expertos relacionados con las temáticas objeto de estudio, los cuales respondieron a las hipótesis planteadas con la finalidad de clasificar y analizar los resultados obtenidos identificándolos según su influencia económica, tecnológica, social, política y legal, dando como resultado la existencia de un universo de posibilidades en el sector textil, circunstancias que contribuyen a mejorar la producción de una manera más ética y sostenible.ResumoO objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar os elementos que facilitam e contribuem para o desenvolvimento do setor têxtil transnacional, levando em consideração fatores exógenos, bem como sua relação com a responsabilidade social corporativa (RSE), por meio de uma análise Delphi. Utilizamos dois painéis de cinquenta e cinco especialistas relacionados ao tema, que responderam às hipóteses para classificar e analisar os resultados obtidos, identificando-os segundo sua influência econômica, tecnológica, social, política e jurídica, como resultado, a existência de um universo de possibilidades no setor têxtil, circunstâncias que contribuem para melhorar a produção de forma mais ética e sustentável.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (7) ◽  
pp. 7-21
Author(s):  
Wojciech W. Gasparski

The article is a review of issues connected with business ethics and corporate social responsibility (CSR) in the last 20 years. Two decades have passed since the Sixth Polish Philosophical Congress took place in Toruń, where—for the first time in the history of Polish philosophical conventions—business ethics was recognized as a philosophical sub-discipline. It manifested itself in a special subsection of the Congress devoted to the topic, which was also kept at the next congress meetings. The paper is not a full review and most likely is not free from subjectivism. This is partly due to the fact that the subject matter falls within the scope of the philosophy of practicality—as the author interprets and refers to the philosophical system of Tadeusz Kotarbiński.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document