scholarly journals INTERSECTIONAL GRIEVANCES IN CARE WORK: FRAMING INEQUALITIES OF GENDER, CLASS AND CASTE*

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 493-512 ◽  
Author(s):  
Preethi Krishnan
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
The State ◽  
Care Work ◽  
Public Provision ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Childcare Workers ◽  
Provision Of Care ◽  
Low Wages

How do social movements include or exclude intersectional grievances of individual participants? What do variations in framing within the movement tell us about including intersectional grievances? I address these questions by examining frames deployed by anganwadi (childcare) workers in India and their organized union’s documented demands. I utilize a systemic intersectional approach to examine two specific grievances—low wages and weakening of public provision of care—that lie at the intersection of gender, caste, class, and care work. Workers use intersectional frames to interpret grievances, as they experience intersectional inequalities of gender, caste, and class. Findings show that the union targets the state alone while workers target both state and society. As intersectional grievances are durable inequalities that traverse across the boundaries of state and society, social movement frames may need a broader prognosis that targets both state and society to include intersectional grievances.

Social Conflict in Argentina (1989–2017): Democracy in Dispute

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 96-111
Author(s):  
Leandro Gamallo
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Social Conflict ◽  
The State ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Conflicts ◽  
The Right ◽  
Movement Participation ◽  
Multiple Actors

An analysis of the evolution of social conflicts in Argentina between 1989 and 2017 in terms of three aspects of collective action—the actors in contention, their main demands, and their chosen forms of struggle—reveals important changes since the country’s return to democracy. Collective action has extended to multiple actors, channeled weightier demands, and expanded its forms. With the emergence of progovernment and conservative social movements, it has become apparent that not all movement participation in the state implies weakness, subordination, or co-optation and that social movement action does not necessarily mean democratization or expansion of rights. The right-wing government of 2015 opened up a new field of confrontation in which old divisions and alliances are being reconfigured. Un análisis de la evolución de los conflictos sociales en Argentina entre 1989 y 2017 realizado a partir de tres grandes dimensiones de la acción colectiva (los actores contenciosos, las demandas principales que enuncian y las formas de lucha que emplean) revela cambios importantes. La acción colectiva se ha extendido a más actores, ha canalizado demandas más amplias y se ha expresado de maneras más heterogéneas. Con el surgimiento de movimientos sociales oficialistas y opositores de índole conservador, se ha hecho evidente que la participación de las organizaciones sociales en el estado no siempre significa debilidad, subordinación o cooptación por parte del estado y que la movilización social no necesariamente implica procesos de democratización o expansión de derechos. La llegada de una alianza de derecha en 2015 abrió un nuevo campo de confrontaciones que redefinió antiguas alianzas y divisiones.

“Real, practical emancipation”?

Focaal ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 2016 (76) ◽  
pp. 31-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alf Gunvald Nilsen
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
The State ◽  
Madhya Pradesh ◽  
Local State ◽  
Popular Politics ◽  
Self Rule

Th is article explores the articulations of citizenship in subaltern politics in contemporary India. Departing from Karl Marx’s acknowledgment that, despite its limitations, political orders founded on the modern democratic conception of citizenship had propelled “real, practical emancipation,” I argue that citizenship has to be understood as simultaneously enabling and constraining radical political projects and popular social movements. I flesh out this argument through a detailed analysis of Adivasi mobilization in western Madhya Pradesh, India. My analysis shows how the Adivasi Mukti Sangathan, a local social movement in the region, democratized local state-society relations by appropriating basic democratic idioms and turning these against local state personnel and the violent extortion they engaged in. Drawing on James Holston’s work on “insurgent citizenship,” I argue that claims making around such democratic idioms inflected citizenship with new and potentially emancipatory meanings centered on local sovereignty and self-rule. I then detail how this mobilization provoked a substantial coercive backlash from the state and discuss the lessons that can be gleaned from this trajectory in terms of the possibilities and limitations that citizenship offers to progressive popular politics in India today.

Political Inclusion and the Dynamics of Democratization

1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-487 ◽  
Author(s):  
John S. Dryzek
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
The State ◽  
Strategic Choices ◽  
Political Equality ◽  
Citizenship Rights ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Political Inclusion ◽  
Progressive Inclusion

Once universal adult citizenship rights have been secured in a society, democratization is mostly a matter of the more authentic political inclusion of different groups and categories, for which formal political equality can hide continued exclusion or oppression. It is important, however, to distinguish between inclusion in the state and inclusion in the polity more generally. Democratic theorists who advocate a strategy of progressive inclusion of as many groups as possible in the state fail to recognize that the conditions for authentic as opposed to symbolic inclusion are quite demanding. History shows that benign inclusion in the state is possible only when (a) a group's defining concern can be assimilated to an established or emerging state imperative, and (b) civil society is not unduly depleted by the group's entry into the state. Absent such conditions, oppositional civil society may be a better focus for democratization than is the state. A flourishing oppositional sphere, and therefore the conditions for democratization itself, may actually be facilitated by a passively exclusive state, the main contemporary form of which is corporatism. Benign inclusion in the state can sometimes occur, but any such move should also produce exclusions that both facilitate future democratization and guard against any reversal of democratic commitment in state and society. These considerations have substantial implications for the strategic choices of social movements.

Social Movements and the State

1986 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard P. Gale
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Environmental Movement ◽  
The State ◽  
Resource Mobilization ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
Resource Mobilization Theory ◽  
Mobilization Theory

This article modifies resource mobilization theory to emphasize interaction among social movements, countermovements, and government agencies. The framework developed for tracing social movement-state relationships gives special attention to movement and countermovement agency alignments. There are six stages of movement-state relationships illustrated with an analysis of the contemporary environmental movement.

Political Opportunity Structure, Contentious Social Movements, and State-Based Organizations: The Fight against Solidarity inside the Polish United Workers Party

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 359-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack M. Bloom
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
The State ◽  
Reform Movement ◽  
Political Opportunity Structure ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Opportunity Structure ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government

Studies of social movements have often focused on the role of the state vis-à-vis social movements—in recent times using the concept of political opportunity structure to understand the options available to social movements. This article examines the internal conflicts within the ruling party in Communist Poland to show that a reciprocal process proceeded, in which both the social movement and the state found the choices of action available to them limited by the other, rather than just the social movement. The social upheaval that impacted the entire country brought about the rise of a reform movement within the ruling Polish United Workers Party, which prevented the government from acting as it preferred for a significant period of time. That reform movement, which would not have existed without Solidarity and certainly would not have brought about intraparty changes by itself, saw itself as connected to and dependent upon Solidarity. Party conservatives had to respond to and overcome the reformers before they could turn their full attention to ending the challenge Solidarity presented to the Communist system. In effect, for a time, Solidarity limited the political opportunity structure of the state, while the reverse was also true. While social movement scholars have long considered the possibilities and the limits on possibilities available to social movements because of the state or other external circumstances, this experience demonstrates that similar considerations must sometimes be contemplated with respect to the state.

scholarly journals ENTRE O DIÁLOGO E A RESISTÊNCIA: o movimento social de bairro no Conjunto Palmeiras, em Fortaleza (CE)

Caderno CRH ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (87) ◽  
pp. 659
Author(s):  
Antonio George Lopes Paulino
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Social Space ◽  
The State ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Mots Clés ◽  
Mouvements Sociaux ◽  
History Of ◽  
Espace Social

<p>O artigo revisita a história dos movimentos sociais de bairros de Fortaleza (CE), tendo como referente empírico o Conjunto Palmeiras, cuja formação territorial remete aos anos 1970. A análise resulta de aproximações etnográficas que adentram no cenário da mobilização por direitos fundamentais e pela urbanização do bairro, espaço social que resguarda uma memória de lutas e conquistas, possibilitando identificar agentes envolvidos na projeção desses movimentos nas décadas de 1980 e 1990. Essa experiência de organização coletiva segue na formação de espaços de autonomia, com momentos de interlocução e resistência frente ao Estado, trazendo contribuições para o debate acerca de temas como movimentos sociais, soberania e representação popular.</p><p> </p><p>BETWEEN DIALOGUE AND RESISTANCE: the neighborhood social movement in the Palmeiras Set, in Fortaleza (CE)</p><p>The article revisits the history of social movements in neighborhoods in Fortaleza (CE), with the empirical reference to Conjunto Palmeiras, whose territorial formation goes back to the 1970s. The analysis results from ethnographic approaches that enter the scenario of mobilization for fundamental rights and the urbanization of the neighborhood, a social space that protects a memory of struggles and conquests, making it possible to identify agents involved in the projection of these movements in the 1980s and 1990s. This experience of collective organization continues in the formation of spaces of autonomy, with moments of dialogue and resistance towards the State, bringing contributions to the debate on topics such as social movements, sovereignty and popular representation.</p><p>Keywords: Policy. Social movements. Representation. Sovereignty. City.</p><p> </p><p>ENTRE DIALOGUE ET RÉSISTANCE: le mouvement social de voisinage dans le Palmeiras Set, à Fortaleza (CE)</p><p>L’article revisite l’histoire des mouvements sociaux de quartiers de Fortaleza (CE), ayant comme référent empirique le Conjunto Palmeiras, dont la formation territoriale se réfère aux années 1970. L’analyse résulte d’approches ethnographiques qui entrent en scène de mobilisation pour les droits fondamentaux et d’urbanisation du quartier, un espace social qui protège une mémoire des luttes et des conquêtes, permettant d’identifier les acteurs impliqués dans la projection de ces mouvements dans les années 1980 et 1990. Cette expérience d’organisation collective se poursuit dans la formation d’espaces d’autonomie, avec des moments d’interlocution et de résistance à l’égard de l’État, apportant des contributions au débat sur des thèmes tels que les mouvements sociaux, la souveraineté et la représentation populaire.</p><p>Mots-clés: Politique. Mouvements sociaux. Représentation. Souveraineté. Ville.</p>

Neoliberalization and Politics of Shaming

2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 102-127
Author(s):  
Iveta Ķešāne
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
The State ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Good Citizen ◽  
Civilizing Process ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Growing Body ◽  
Neoliberal Ideology ◽  
Sociology Of Emotion

Drawing on Norbert Elias’s writing and sociology of emotion literature, this study proposes viewing neoliberalization as a “civilizing process,” which is enabled by politics of shaming. By tracing two streams of protests triggered by neoliberal transformations—by farmers and schoolteachers—in the 1990s and how they were handled by the ruling elite publicly in the mass media, this article finds that, in post-Soviet and neoliberal Latvia, in moments of tension between the state and society, rule occurred through a politics of shaming that utilized three instruments: the neoliberal ideology of a good citizen, essentializing language, and dividing language. This article contributes to the post-Soviet studies’ scholarship, the growing body of scholarship that explores relationships between neoliberalization and emotions, as well as social movements literature.

Islam as Social Movement

2019 ◽  
pp. 11-84
Author(s):  
Mohammed A. Bamyeh
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Youth Culture ◽  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Language ◽  
Mutual Aid ◽  
Common Features ◽  
Government Ideology

The chapter identifies five common features of modern Islamic social movements: 1) They tend to begin as mutual aid societies rather than as clearly defined political entities; 2) they offer themselves up as ways for society at large to organize itself outside the state; 3) they signify the increasing politicization of society itself; 4) they are only partially oriented to capturing state power; and 5) they tend to transform when they capture the state or become part of it. The jihadist movements are treated as a sub-case of Islamic mobilization, and the chapter considers five theses concerned specifically with jihadism: 1) jihadism as generic radicalism camouflaged in religious language; 2) jihadism as fusion of two previously distinct theaters (local wars and global youth culture); 3) jihadism as Islamized traces of former, secular regimes; 4) jihadism as nihilism borne out of a sense of impasse; and 5) jihadism as critical mimicry of government ideology.

scholarly journals Configurations of Care Work: Paid and Unpaid Elder Care in Italy and the Netherlands

2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miriam Glucksmann ◽  
Dawn Lyon
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Family Care ◽  
The Elderly ◽  
Voluntary Sector ◽  
The State ◽  
Unpaid Work ◽  
Care Work ◽  
Public Provision ◽  
Unpaid Care ◽  
Paid And Unpaid Work

Most current sociological approaches to work recognise that the same activity may be undertaken within a variety of socio-economic forms - formal or informal, linked with the private market, public state or not-for-profit sectors. This article takes care of the elderly as an exemplary case for probing some of the linkages between paid and unpaid work. We attempt to unravel the interconnections between forms of care work undertaken in different socio-economic conditions in two settings, the Netherlands and Italy. The research is part of a broader programme concerned with differing interconnections and overlaps between work activities. In this article, we are concerned with: 1) how paid and unpaid care work map on to four ‘institutional’ modes of provision - by the state, family, market, and voluntary sector; and 2) with the configurations that emerge from the combination of different forms of paid and unpaid work undertaken through the different institutions. Despite the centrality of family-based informal care by women in both countries, we argue that the overall configurations of care are in fact quite distinct. In the Netherlands, state-funded care services operate to shape and anchor the centrality of family as the main provider. In this configuration, unpaid familial labour is sustained by voluntary sector state-funded provision. In Italy, by contrast, there is significant recourse to informal market-based services in the form of individual migrant carers, in a context of limited public provision. In this configuration, the state indirectly supports market solutions, sustaining the continuity of family care as an ideal and as a practice.

Space as the ideological state apparatus (ISA): the invisible fetter on social movements in China

2020 ◽  
pp. 016344372097730
Author(s):  
Yipeng Xi ◽  
Aaron Ng
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Meaning Making ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
The State ◽  
Strategic Resources ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Spatial Dimensions ◽  
Spatial Governance

Contrary to existing literature analyzing how public spaces are strategic mobilization resources for activists, we focus on the inconspicuous constraints placed by the state on public spaces that limit their utility as mobilization resources. Employing the spatial dimensions of social movement theory and Althusser’s state power theory analyze an activism case in Guangzhou, China, we argue that through everyday spatial governance by the state, public spaces in China are also forms of ideological state apparatuses that latently disrupt activists’ attempts to engage in contentious spatial practices to gain resources through media coverage. We further propose the concept of ‘spatial inertia’, which are durable, routine, and diversified spatial meaning-making practices mediated through media coverage that affect the success of social movements. This paper complements social movement scholarship by examining how the state, through latent processes exercised using public spaces as ideological state apparatuses, competes with and subverts activists’ efforts to use these spaces as strategic resources for collective mobilization, especially in authoritarian contexts.

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