scholarly journals The Main Tendencies of the Political Development of the Indian System of Local Self-Government after the Adoption of the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 185-192
Author(s):  
N N Emelyanova

The article is devoted to actual tendencies of development of local government system in India after gaining of the constitutional status. Considered such topics as the phenomenon of new leadership at the local level in the context of overcoming the traditional distribution of political power; feminization of panchayats; inf luence of regional parties on the activities of local government.

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-91
Author(s):  
Abu Elias Sarker ◽  
Faraha Nawaz

In a developing country like Bangladesh, the devolved local government system is widely recognized as one of the key institutional forms for the citizen-centric public service delivery system and ensuring democratic governance at the grassroots level. However, the democratic nature of local governments and their effective role in rendering services are contingent upon the political and institutional environments of the country. Competitive electoral process is key to local democratic governance. The purpose of this article is to analyze the implications of contemporary political order and institutional environments for the proper functioning of the Union Parishad (council), the lowest tier of the local government system in Bangladesh. More specifically, this study will reflect on how political clientelism, partyarchy and institutional environments have stymied competitive electoral politics at the local level which may result in democratic backsliding.


Author(s):  
Vitaly N. Ivanov ◽  

The object of the research is the modern party system in Russia. The aim of the article is to study the organizational, financial, and political potential of the main parliamentary political parties: Edinaya Rossiya (United Russia (UR)), CPRF, LDPR, and Spravedlivaya Rossiya (A Just Russia). The comparative analysis of party resources revealed a significant disparity between the potential of UR and the opposition parties. The latter are inferior to the UR in terms of the number of members and the development of the organizational structure. The total number of members and local organizations of these parties is one-third of UR's indicators. The lack of a developed infrastructure for the opposition parties preserves their limited representation and influence at the local level of public power. The financial potential of the parties is formed mainly by state funding and donations from sponsors. Today, four parliamentary parties are eligible for state support. The share of public finance in their budgets is more than half of all revenues. They also receive the bulk of donations, the size of which is limited by law and is official in nature. It can be argued that Russia has formed a mechanism that allows the state to support parties without allowing the establishment of monopoly influence on their activities by individuals and elite groups. The political potential of the parties is determined by the level of their representation in state and local government bodies. Today it is dominated by UR. Its parliamentary fractions actually control the legislative branch of power at the federal and regional levels. Together with the presidential structures of power, UR also ensures the election of presidential creatures to the posts of heads of regions. Party members today form the basis of the governor's corps, with a single representation from other political parties. UR's organizations include more than half of deputies and heads of municipalities, ensuring its influence on the local government system. The high level of dominance of UR and the limited potential of the opposition parties is an important condition for the stability of the existing political regime. UR's significant opportunities allow the ruling elite to maintain and strengthen their positions: cut off the forces of the radical opposition from power, control the legislative process providing legal support for decisions of the government and the head of state, consolidate the federal and regional elite, ensuring the rotation of elites and coordination of their interests. In these circumstances, the parties of the parliamentary opposition are important for preserving the democratic nature of the political process. They do not question the dominant role of UR, offer limited competition to it, and do not have the potential to really influence key political decisions.


1968 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. H. Proctor

A major problem encountered by the builders of many of the new states in Africa has been that of defining a satisfactory position for the traditional tribal authorities in a more integrated and democratic political system. In Botswana a solution has been sought not only at the level of local government, where much of the Chiefs' power has been transferred to elected district councils, but also at the national level, where a House of Chiefs has been created to advise Government and Parliament. This body merits examination as a constructive effort to synthesise indigenous and imported institutions, and to accommodate the interests and demands of the hereditary rulers and their more conservative subjects, who remain deeply rooted in the tribal structure, in a manner which is acceptable to the new élite and their supporters, who are eager to modernise quickly.


1980 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian Laite

For much of the twentieth century the Peruvian working-class has been limited in size and divided between different groups with divergent political objectives. Successive Peruvian governments have been able to capitalize on these features in their attempts to control the working-class, directly regulating workers' organizations or playing off one group against another. Yet, despite these limits and divisions, workers have on several occasions staged general strikes and pressured governments into taking account of their demands. Consequently, the political development of sectors of the working-class at the local level has been closely affected by political processes at the national level.


Author(s):  
Thina Nzo

Research over the last decade on local government in South Africa has highlighted that some municipal councils under the political leadership of the Africa National Congress (ANC) have shown weak political leadership, coupled with strong patronage systems, rent-seeking and corruption which have had an impact on the institutional functionality of municipalities in South Africa. Although patronage politics have been predominantly used to analyse the dynamics of post-apartheid local government ANC politics and councillor representation, this prevents us from understanding the representational focus of ANC councillors in decision-making processes. This paper offers an ethnographic insight into experiences of ANC councillors and the political complexities involved in council decision-making. Using ethnographic research, this paper will analyse how a political decision by the ANC provincial party, which was supported by the ANC regional party at local level – to erect a statue of Nelson Mandela in one of the municipalities in the Northern Cape – generated tensions amongst ANC councillors who strongly viewed their primary role as promoters of better ‘service delivery’ rather than approving the allocation of scarce municipal resources for erecting a statue. The paper reveals how the dominant presence of ANC sub-regional structures at local level contribute to the complex interaction of both ANC party political and municipal organisational rules and norms that influence and shape councillors’ choices in decision-making.  


Author(s):  
Johnson O. Olaniyi

Many state governments have not been allowing their State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs) to conduct elections as at when due but rather settle for ‘caretaker committees’. Where elections have been conducted, the party in control of a state apparatus has been known to have cleared the polls. The general objective of this study is to assess the impact of electoral contest at the local government level on the political development of Nigeria. Specific objectives include (1) assessing the role of the political executives of a state in the determination of representation at the local government level in Nigeria; and (2) assessing the activities of SIECs in the management of local government polls. This study adopts comparative cum case study approach to analysing local government polls in Nigeria. This is discussed on a geopolitical basis. Some of the findings of the study include: (1) local government election in Nigeria is not given premium position by many state governments in the political landscape of their state because of the fear of playing into the hands of their political rivals; and (2) SIECs are only independent in name and not in practice. The study recommends, among others, that (1) the country should adopt the arrangement in the aborted Third Republic where the country’s EMB was empowered to conduct all elections at all levels of government and (2) local government elections in Nigeria should key into the electoral process of the country in all ramifications.


2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Laure Mahé

AbstractThe concept of participation is a cornerstone of development and democracy discourses, but studies on participatory development rarely examine the political regimes those policies are embedded in. Yet, in authoritarian contexts, participation is ambiguous, potentially threatening—as it can be connected to democratic ideals—and it also can be used as a resource, a tool for domination. Through an analysis of participatory development projects implemented in Sudan, I explore how power relations are renegotiated at the local level. Relying on data collected during fieldwork in Khartoum and the state of North Kordofan, where the projects are located, I highlight the disconnect between the discourse surrounding the participatory devices, which establishes an horizontal relationship between citizens and the local government, and the actual practices that strengthen the latter's power. In doing so, the article challenges a linear, top-down conception of authoritarian power and reveals the tensions that exist between institutional levels.


Politeja ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (2 (34/1)) ◽  
pp. 93-106
Author(s):  
Myrosława Lendel ◽  
Switłana Buła

Local government in Ukraine: the form without content Ukrainian crisis of 2013/2014 that is perceived as Euromaidan can be explained, besides other external reasons, also in the terms of the mental and societal conflict between formally democratic, but non‑working legal norms, and the clientele, even feudal political practice. The ideal of democracy can be tested on the local level where the government structures are physically closer to citizens that can use the mechanisms of the direct and other forms of democracy. But in Ukraine the scenario of the rapid and radical transition towards the principles of the local democracy that was implemented in some Central‑European countries was not realized because of the inherited system of the centralized governance, the administrative and territorial division, lack of the motivated elite, non‑activist type of the political culture. The existing legal environment for functioning of the elected councils and mayors did not stimulated the efficient development of the local communities, as well as the faith of the citizens in the role of the political decision‑making, that is the core of the local democracy. Set of the political discourses that are vital in the modern Ukraine and connected with the question of the political system renovation is centered around the decentralization of power, construction of the new scheme of the administrative division of Ukrainian regions. The adoption of the new Constitution in the pair with the political activism of Ukrainian can be a starting point for the construction of the vital local government filled with the sense of democracy.


2002 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 549-571
Author(s):  
Hanna Kozińska-Witt

The new Polish state was founded more than 100 years after Poland's partition by Prussia, Russia and Austria. The partitioned Polish lands had been included one way or another in the administrative structure of the ocupying powers, and the individuals who became active in urban issues in the new state were socialised by associations established by the partitioners. Poland became not only a arena for a meeting of Prussian, Russian and Austrian imaginations about local government but also a place with a great variety of municipal praxises as well. The author analyses different meanings of local government with special attention to those employed by municipal officers from Warsaw and Cracow within the Union of Polish Cities. There were strong regional cleavages in the Union, but the political development of the Polish state strengthened centralisation and the Union itself remained united.


Author(s):  
I Putu Dharmanu Yudartha

Province Bali province seeks to build synergy in addressing the spread of covid-19 with the involvement of indigenous villages. This is certainly a big question about its effectiveness and provides a new perspective in government governance at the local level. The purpose of this research is to analyze the dimensions of synergy between local governments and indigenous villages in Bali Province and their impact on the handling of covid-19 in Bali. The results showed that the cultural and social dimensions were able to position the indigenous village into an important pillar in the pattern of governance in Bali. Through the policy of the scope of indigenous villages (such as awig-awig and perarem) and pecalang as a security party in the scope of indigenous villages are able to synergize with local governments, especially in overseeing the implementation of health protocols. The synergistic with good local governance concept, such as : dimension of the economic aspect shows that through indigenous village funds, the local government provides the same space for indigenous villages involved in the handling of covid-19. The political dimension related to synergy is further strengthening the commitment of the Governor of Bali to reposition the indigenous village as part of governance in Bali. The synergistic impact is to provide great space for various parties, especially indigenous villages in the participation of each policy in the region. This synergy also relieves the free local government in its handling of covid-19.


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