scholarly journals The Chinese Civil War based on «Foreign Affairs» magazine

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 224-229
Author(s):  
Sergey O. Buranok ◽  
Dmitriy A. Nesterov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Far East ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Complex Problem ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Chinese Civil War ◽  
Post War

In this paper the authors consider the materials of one of the leading American analytical magazines Foreign Affairs, devoted to the Chinese Civil War in 19291950. The novelty of this study lies in the analysis of assessments of key actors and assessments of the situation in the country as well as a possible outcome of the conflict which were made by American journalists. The authors provide the results of the analysis of Foreign Affairs articles for the formation of Mao Zedong image in connection with the events of that time. The authors reviewed the main arguments of the American press, which revealed that the problem of the civil war was one of the components of the complex problem of planning a post-war reconstruction of the world. The United States was primarily interested in changes in the balance of power in the Far East, tried to assess the possible outcomes of the conflict and how they would affect the United States itself (mainly in the economic sphere). But as the victory of the Chinese Communist Party, headed by Mao Zedong, approached the Kuomintang support from American experts weakened. The study of this information phenomenon will allow researchers to understand what impact on Sino-American relations was made by an influential American analytical magazine through the formation of ideas about China, the Chinese people and their political elites.

scholarly journals THE CHINESE RESEARCHES IN THE MAGAZINE «FOREIGN AFFAIRS» IN 1929-1950 (PROSOPOGRAPHIC ANALYSIS)

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 39-44
Author(s):  
A.O. Buranok ◽  
◽  
D.A. Nesterov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Political Science ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Science Journal ◽  
Age Composition ◽  
Chinese Civil War ◽  
Expert Community

The authors of the article use prosopographic methods to analyze the materials of the journal «Foreign Affairs» devoted to the Chinese civil war of 1929-1950, in order to create «collective biographies» of the American expert community. They reveal the national, professional and age composition of the observers of the journal «Foreign Affairs» and reconstruct their ideological imperatives. The authors drew conclusions about the state of Chinese researches in the American expert community in the 1930-1940s and the functioning of the leading political science journal in the United States.

I. Organizing the Government for Participation in World Affairs

1944 ◽  
Vol 38 (5) ◽  
pp. 913-930 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter H. C. Laves ◽  
Francis O. Wilcox
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Public Servants ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War

Looking at the post-war period, it seems obvious that the government of the United States will give more attention to foreign affairs than it has in any comparable period of American history. How can the machinery for conducting foreign relations best be organized to meet these increasing responsibilities?The conduct of foreign relations in the modern world is no simple matter. Technical experts, intelligence systems, ability to negotiate, national political stability, a large and loyal staff of public servants—these are but some of the national requisites for effective participation in world affairs. The mobilization and organization of the best staff resources in the country, the negotiation of national policies, and then of international agreements, constitute a formidable task under any system of government.The conduct of foreign relations is, of course, easiest in a completely authoritarian state. It is made immeasurably more difficult by any division of authority. In most non-authoritarian governments, some division of authority has been found desirable, even at the expense of occasional awkwardness of procedure, because thereby the dangers of usurpation of power are minimized. The United States has gone farther than any democratic country in dividing responsibility in foreign affairs. Not only is there the usual distinction between legislative and executive authority, but the independence of the two branches has been so far underlined that the achievement of over-all government policies (as distinct from legislative and executive policies) is extremely difficult unless the party relationships are just right between the two ends of Pennsylvania Avenue.

Spillover of the Chinese Civil War and Militarization of the Borderland

2019 ◽  
pp. 55-71
Author(s):  
Enze Han
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Building ◽  
Mountainous Areas ◽  
Chinese Civil War ◽  
Security Relations ◽  
Communist Government ◽  
The Cold War

Chapter 4 analyzes the legacy of the KMT in the borderland area, after its defeat in the Chinese Civil War, in terms of its impact on state building in the three countries. It analyzes how the KMT incursion in Burma played a sizable role in the fragmentation of Burma in the peripheries and also indirectly set in motion the militarized confrontation between the Burmese army and many of the estranged ethnic groups. In Thailand’s case, KMT remnant troops proved instrumental in Thai counter-insurgency campaigns within the context of its broader security relations with the United States during the Cold War. For China, the communist government carried out ruthless counterinsurgencies against the KMT remnants as well as other ethnic and local rebellions in mountainous areas that resisted the communist regime’s consolidation of power. Campaigns were also carried out to subdue the population in the name of suppressing counter-revolutionaries.

Visions of Victory

2019 ◽  
pp. 186-231
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Brown
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Urban Planning ◽  
Art History ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Parks ◽  
The Future ◽  
Post War

This chapter situates northern and southern monuments to Civil War victory within longstanding traditions in art history. The triumphal arch came to the United States after the war. Proposals for arches framed debates about the future of antebellum landscapes like town commons and parade grounds, and arches also figured prominently in the shaping of public parks, largely a key feature of post-war urban planning. Increasingly sexualized statues of Nike, or Winged Victory, imagined Union triumph as a more comprehensive consummation than the most renowned successes of antiquity. Early attempts to represent peace incorporated a foundation in social or political change, but peace gradually converged with martial victory. The shift in Union memorials from regeneration to self-congratulation paralleled the rise of Confederate victory memorials. These works partly celebrated the overthrow of Reconstruction and consolidation of white supremacism but also illustrated a deepening national reluctance to engage in critical introspection.

Blaine, Garfield and Latin America: A New Look

1979 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-89
Author(s):  
Allan Peskin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Civil War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
New Look

IF, as has been suggested, a country without a foreign policy is a happy country, then the United States must have reached the peak of its felicity between the Civil War and the turn of the century. Of all the Secretaries of State in that otherwise obscure progression from William Seward to John Hay only one has managed to escape oblivion and capture the imagination of diplomatic historians. That exception is James G. Blaine. Secretary of State on two separate occasions and under three different presidents, Blaine brought to his office not only his personal dynamism but also an apparently well thought-out conception of foreign affairs. Unlike his contemporaries, who seemed content merely to react to events, Blaine appeared to have a policy. The genesis of that policy has been a source of controversy ever since.

Development of the US Plans for Post-War Japan during World War II

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 131-164
Author(s):  
A. A. Sidorov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Far East ◽  
State Department ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Strategic Decision ◽  
Department Of State ◽  
The Far East ◽  
The Us ◽  
Post War

Signing of the Japanese Instrument of Surrender on September 2, 1945 had formally ended the most destructive and bloody war in the history of mankind. Even before that a new balance of power on the international arena began to form, that would persist for almost half a century. At the same time, it was obvious from the outright that the Allies had very different views on how the post-war world order should look like. Traditionally, both Russian and foreign academic literature focused on their disputes regarding the German question. This paper provides a brief overview of the US Department of State planning and recommendation process for the post-war reconstruction of Japan in 1939–1945, which had eventually led to the formation of the socalled San Francisco subsystem of international relations. The first section of the paper outlines the challenges faced by the State Department when it came to planning the post-war architecture of the Far East. In that regard, the author pays particular attention to the staff shortage, which forced the Department of State to strengthen partnership with private research organizations and involve them in long-term planning.The author emphasizes that if before the United States entered the war the US planners adopted a rather tough stance on Japan, after the attack on Pearl Harbor their approaches paradoxically changed. The second section examines the contradictions and tensions between those politicians and experts who believed that in the establishment of the post-war order in the Far East the US should cooperate with China, and those who promoted rapprochement with Japan. These groups were unofficially referred to as the ‘Chinese team’ and the ‘Japanese crowd’ accordingly. The paper shows that as the end of the war approached, these contradictions gradually faded into the background. The needs to promote the interdepartmental cooperation and to reconcile the positions of the State Department, the Military and Naval Ministries on the future of Japan came to the fore. This work resulted in a series of memoranda, which laid the foundation for the US post-war policy towards Japan. In conclusion the author provides a general assessment of the strategic decision-making process in the United States during wartime and emphasizes its consistency, thoroughness and flexibility. As a result, it enabled the US to achieve what seemed impossible: to turn Japan from an ardent adversary of the United States in the Pacific into one of its most reliable allies, and it remains such today.

Aircraft and Anti-Communists: CAT in Action, 1949–52

1972 ◽  
Vol 52 ◽  
pp. 654-669 ◽  
Author(s):  
William M. Leary
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Korean War ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
The United States ◽  
Protective Role ◽  
United States Government ◽  
Chinese Civil War ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
American Policy

“The United States Government,” President Harry S. Truman announced on 5 January 1950, “will not pursue a course which will lead to involvement in the civil conflict in China.” Historians generally agree that President Truman meant what he said. American policy after the summer of 1949, writes Tang Tsou, was “to avoid, as far as possible, any further involvement in the Chinese civil war and to allow events in China to unfold themselves.” The Truman administration ruled out the use of force to prevent the fall of Formosa; non-recognition of the Communist government was adopted as “a temporary measure,” due to Republican pressure and the hope of gaining concessions from Peking. The outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950, observes Lyman P. Van Slyke, “brought to a sudden end the policy that the administration had followed for two years, and committed us once again to involvement in the Chinese civil war.” The United States assumed a protective role towards the remnants of the Nationalists on Formosa and became the implacable foe of Peking. This article, a study of a commercial airline's participation in a major diplomatic and legal controversy during the last phase of the Chinese civil war, will suggest that there is reason to doubt, or at least to modify, the traditional interpretation of American policy towards China between late 1949 and June 1950.

Unitarians, Shakers, and Quakers in North America

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen P. Shoemaker
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil War ◽  
North America ◽  
New England ◽  
The United States ◽  
Disciples Of Christ ◽  
Methodist Church ◽  
Christian Churches ◽  
Civil War Era ◽  
Post War

The American Revolution inspired new movements with a longing to restore what they believed was a primitive and pure form of the church, uncorrupted by the accretions of the centuries. Unlike most Canadians, Americans were driven by the rhetoric of human equality, in which individual believers could dispense with creeds or deference to learned ministers. This chapter argues that one manifestation of this was the Restorationist impulse: the desire to recover beliefs and practices believed lost or obscured. While that impulse could be found in many Protestant bodies, the groups classified as ‘Restorationist’ in North America emerged from what is today labelled the Stone-Campbell movement. They were not known explicitly as Restorationists as they identified themselves as ‘Christian Churches’ or ‘Disciples of Christ’ in a bid to find names that did not separate them from other Christians. The roots of this movement lay in the Republican Methodist Church or ‘Christian Church’ founded by James O’Kelly on the principle of representative governance in church and state. As its ‘Christian’ title implied, the new movement was supposed to effect Christian unity. It was carried forward in New England by Abner Jones and Elias Smith who came from Separate Baptist congregations. Smith was a radical Jeffersonian republican who rejected predestination, the Trinity, the divinity of Christ, and original sin as human inventions and would be rejected from his own movement when he embraced universalism. The Presbyterian minister Barton W. Stone was the most important advocate of the Christian movement in Kentucky and Tennessee. Stone was a New Light Presbyterian who fell out with his church in 1803 because he championed revivals to the displeasure of Old Light Presbyterians. With other ministers he founded the Springfield Presbytery and published an Apology which rejected ‘human creeds and confessions’ only to redub their churches as Christian Churches or Churches of Christ. Stone’s movement coalesced with the movement founded by Alexander Campbell, the son of an Ulster Scot who emigrated to the United States after failing to effect reunion between Burgher and Anti-Burghers and founded an undenominational Christian Association. Alexander embraced baptism by immersion under Baptist influence, so that the father and son’s followers were initially known as Reformed (or Reforming) Baptists. The increasing suspicion with which Baptists regarded his movement pushed Alexander into alliance with Stone, although Campbell was uneasy about formal terms of alliance. For his part, Stone faced charges from Joseph Badger and Joseph Marsh that he had capitulated to Campbell. The Stone-Campbell movement was nonetheless successful, counting 192,000 members by the Civil War and over a million in the United States by 1900. Successful but bifurcated, for there were numerous Christian Churches which held out from joining the Stone-Campbell movement, which also suffered a north–south split in the Civil War era over political and liturgical questions. The most buoyant fraction of the movement were the Disciples of Christ or Christian Churches of the mid-west, which shared in the nationalistic and missionary fervour of the post-war era, even though it too in time would undergo splits.

scholarly journals U.S. European foreign policy vector (50-60s of the XX century)

2019 ◽  
pp. 16-27
Author(s):  
Dmytro Lakishyk
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Far East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Constant Factor ◽  
Burden Sharing ◽  
Main Task ◽  
Spheres Of Influence ◽  
The Far East ◽  
Post War

The article argues that the United States entered the post-war world in a completely new role for the state, surpassed all other countries in the main indicators of strength – military, economic, technological and cultural. World wars turned them into the center of Western civilization, which opposed Soviet power, which secured significant spheres of influence in Eastern Europe and the Far East as a result of World War II. It is argued that the main areas of geopolitical rivalry between the two centers of power are the regions that are on the periphery of Eurasia: the clash line in Europe, the Middle and the Far East. Throughout the entire period of rivalry, the United States has transformed from an episodic into a constant factor in European politics, institutionalizing its presence in the Old World and building relations with Western European allies on the basis of “Atlantism”, “interdependence” and “burden sharing”. It was proved that the main task of the US administrations in the post-war period was the creation of a “power perimeter” around the zone of Soviet control, maintaining its functioning and further strengthening. First, its line ran in Europe, then in East Asia, and later was expanded to the Middle East, having adequate support with American military bases and military-political blocs. It is noted that the confrontation between the two superpowers took place including the alternation of conflict and cooperation, reflected the desire of the victors to consolidate the subordinate position of the defeated – mainly Germany and Japan – in the new system of international relations. Carrying out “containment” of the USSR, the USA actually implemented a policy of “double containment”, directed both against the potential strengthening of Germany and in order to maintain control over Western Europe as a whole. In this regard, the consolidation of “spheres of influence” of each of the parties preserved the results of the war, providing “silent cooperation” on issues of principle.

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