scholarly journals Political Participation and Request for Change: The Role of Education

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 112-125
Author(s):  
Nataliya Latova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Industrial Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Careful Study ◽  
Highly Educated ◽  
Educational Groups

The article tests the hypothesis, based on the concept of post-industrial society that people with higher education will be more politically active, especially in the manifestation of the demand for change. For this purpose, the materials of the All-Russian poll, organized in March 2021 by the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, are used to analyze the sociopolitical characteristics associated with political activism and the formation of a demand for change among different educational groups of Russians. The conclusion is made that, first, education in modern Russia does directly affect an individual's preparedness for political action: more educated Russians are more interested in the political life of the country and are more aware of their ability to influence the "rules of the game". Second, education does directly affect actual involvement in social and political activism. However, concerning conscious political participation, this effect relates not so much to everyday, regular, as to its extreme protest forms. Third, the education of Russians has no discernible correlation with the presence/absence of a liberal demand for change. In terms of meeting the minimum requirements for political participation, Russian educational groups currently correspond to the Western political science mainstream theory and the practices of developed countries. Nevertheless, the highlighted features of the political characteristics of Russians with higher and post-higher education (not all of the examined indicators are stable in dynamics, not all differences between educational groups are clearly expressed, and, in general, the participation of highly educated Russians in the political life of the country is rather formal) lead to the need for a more careful study of the findings not only of the Western scientific mainstream but also of alternative concepts of Third World researchers. In addition, it has been suggested that the emancipation of a group of highly educated Russians from the state is incomplete. Consequently, they are aware of their objectively central place and leading role in political life.

scholarly journals Women’s Political Participation in Jordan

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-88
Author(s):  
Mazen Hussien Faleh Hawamdeh ◽  
Ahmad Saher Ahmad Al-Qteishat
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Active Member ◽  
Political Work ◽  
Participation Of Women ◽  
Traditional Structure ◽  
The Right

Jordanian womens participation in public policy dates back to 1950s. However, political activism came to a halt in the period between 1956 and 1992. In 1992, the new Political Parties Law granted women the right to participate in political parties. Since then, women became an active member of political parties, but their participation remained largely symbolic and not influential. Women did not seek to join parties. As a result, women are still largely unrepresented in the state. In addition, and the number of women involved in these parties remains low. There are a number of challenges that prevent womens participation in political life in Jordan, such as social restrictions resulting from the traditional structure of Jordanian society. This article discusses the political participation of women in Jordan and addresses the most prominent challenges facing the political work of women in Jordan.

Women in Power and Decision making Positions : Conditions and Restraints

1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Policies And Procedures ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Slow Progress

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!

El pueblo de México y la política capitalina, 1808 y 1812

1994 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virginia Guedea
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Significant Growth ◽  
Substantial Role ◽  
The People ◽  
New Nation ◽  
The City

Beginning in 1808 the people started to play a prominent role in the political life of Mexico. This article examines the significant growth of popular political participation in the City of Mexico during the period 1808-1812. In particular, it analyzes the substantial role that the people played in the elections of 1812, a role they would continue to play in the early years of the new nation.

scholarly journals Evaluating Access, Quality, and Equity in Online Learning: A Case Study of a MOOC-Based Blended Professional Degree Program

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Littenberg-Tobias ◽  
Justin Reich
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Learning Strategies ◽  
Formal Education ◽  
Graduate Program ◽  
Online Courses ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Degree Program ◽  
Highly Educated ◽  
Professional Degree ◽  
Technological Affordances

Many higher education institutions have begun offering opportunities to earn credit for in-person courses through massive open online courses (MOOCs). This mixed-methods study examines the experiences of students participating in one of the first iterations of this trend: a blended professional master's degree program that admitted students based on performance in MOOC-based online courses. We found that the blended master's program attracted a cohort of highly educated mid-career professionals from developed countries who were looking for more flexible alternatives to traditional graduate programs. Success in the online courses was correlated with higher levels of prior formal education and effective use of learning strategies. Students who enrolled in the blended graduate program reported being academically prepared for their coursework and had higher GPAs (3.86, p<0.01) than students in the residential program (3.75). The findings of this study suggest that the technological affordances of MOOC-based online and blended degrees will neither transform higher education nor solve its most stubborn equity challenges, but there may be particular niches where they provide a valuable service to learners in particular programs and contexts.

Psychological Needs, Personal Control, and Political Participation

1975 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanley Allen Renshon
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Personal Control ◽  
Psychological Theory ◽  
Psychological Needs ◽  
Political Efficacy ◽  
Basic Psychological Needs ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Scientists

Political theorists have long argued that political participation has been a minimal requirement of democratic political systems. More recently, social scientists have turned their attention to understanding the factors that impede or promote participation. This paper examines several such hypotheses which lie within the framework of personality and social-psychological theory. Briefly stated, this author's contention is that: (1) each individual has a need to have sufficient control over relevant aspects of his life-space, which, under specified conditions, includes the political system; (2) the attempt to satisfy this need in the social world generates basic assumptive beliefs about personal control; and (3) these beliefs have important implications for political participation and the support of regimes.To examine these contentions more fully, we first must consider the concept of political efficacy, especially as it relates to the motivation to participate in political life. It will then be possible to present a theory that links feelings of personal control in the political arena with more basic psychological needs that help to organize the personality system. Finally, we will present some exploratory data on the relation between beliefs in personal control and political participation. While these data do not directly contradict previous empirical studies, they do suggest the possibility that a substantial reorganization of the way in which political efficacy is conceptualized may be in order.

Londra’da yaşayan Türkiyeli göçmenlerin etnik ve mezhepsel aidiyetlerinin siyasal tutum ve davranışlarına etkisi

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-207
Author(s):  
Tuncay Bilecen ◽  
Mustafa Saygın Araz
Keyword(s):  
Factor Analysis ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Migrant Population ◽  
Dependent Variables ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Manova Analysis ◽  
The Impact

Bu makalede, Londra’da genellikle “Türkçe konuşan topluluk” başlığı altında sınıflandırılan Türkiyeli göçmenlerin etnik (Türk/Kürt) ve mezhepsel (Sünni/Alevi) kimliklerinin Türkiye ve İngiltere siyasetine yönelik ilgi ve katılım düzeylerine ne ölçüde etki ettiği incelenmektedir. Çalışmada, Haziran – Eylül 2013 tarihleri arasında Londra’da 213 göçmenle yapılan anket çalışması neticesinde elde edilen veriler önce Faktör Analizi daha sonra MANOVA (Tek Yönlü Çok Değişkenli Varyans Analizi) testinden geçirilmiştir. Faktör analizi ile bireylerin siyasal yaşama katılımlarını gösteren (“sivil katılım”, “siyasal ilgi”, “siyasal eylem” olmak üzere üç başlıkta sınıflandırılan) anlamlı değişkenler (faktörler) elde edilmiştir. Değişkenler elde edildikten sonra ise MANOVA analizinden yararlanılarak farklı etnik ve mezhepsel aidiyet gruplarının bu değişkenler üzerinde etkisi olup olmadığına bakılmıştır. Çalışmanın sonunda Londra’da yaşayan Türkiyeli göçmenlerin etnik ve mezhepsel kökenlerinin siyasal katılım düzeyleri üzerinde etkili olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.ENGLISH ABSTRACTTurkish migrants living in London and the impact of ethnic and religious belongings on their political attitude and behvaiourThis article investigates levels of the participation in political life of a particular migrant community referred to as ‘Turkish speaking community’ both in their country of origin (Turkey) and their country of residence (UK). This article specifically focuses on the effects of these migrants groups’ ethnic (i.e. Kurdish/ Turkish) and religious/sectarian (i.e. Alevi/Sunni) identities on their level of participation in the political life in Turkey and in the UK. The data informing this article was collected via administration of surveys with 213 participants between June and September 2013 with aforementioned migrant population. The data was analysis consisted of initial factor analysis followed by MANOVA. Through factor analysis meaningful variances in demonstrating the three types of participation in political life (civil participation, political interest and political activism) was revealed (bu umleyihala anlamadim ama sent mm diyorsan). After the determining of the dependant variables MANOVA analysis were conducted to determine the role of ethnic and religious belongingness on the dependent variables, i.e. types of participation in the political life.  The research concluded that ethnic and religious belongingness directly influience degree of political participation of the migrants from Turkey.   

Crisis of institutions of political competition, Internet and collaborative democracy

2021 ◽  
pp. 52-72
Author(s):  
V. M. Polterovich
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Moral Norms ◽  
Western Democracy

The article examines the crisis of modern Western democracy. It is noted that the important causes of the crisis are slowing down of economic growth and deepening inequality in developed countries. It is shown that inter-party competition inevitably generates a mechanism of degradation of moral norms in the political sphere and reduction of the political system efficiency. These processes have intensified dramatically as a result of the spread of the Internet. They contributed to the reduction of citizens’ participation in political life and at the same time to the ochlocratization of the political system. It is shown as well that a number of transformations taking place in the Western countries are aimed at improvement of interaction mechanisms between the state and society and contribute to overcoming the crisis. These include expanding the role of parliamentary committees, increasing the number of parties, largescale reforms of public sector governance basing on collaboration. In this context, the experience of e-platforms and the possibilities of institutional collaborative platforms are analyzed. The concept of collaborative democracy is proposed, based on the analysis of the trends studied. The mechanism for collaborative democracy should ensure greater choice and broader direct participation of citizens in decision-making, control the costs of political competition and maintain ethical standards, prevent ochlocratization and improve governance. Contours of this mechanism are outlined. It is based on the use of a proportional electoral system of a special type, a system of expert councils and collaborative platforms for public decision-making, as well as on the implementation of decision-making rules close to consensus. The significance of these conclusions for Russia is discussed.

Aşiret Mektebi: Abdülhamid II's School for Tribes (1892–1907)

1996 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugene L. Rogan
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Social Engineering ◽  
Boarding School ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
New School ◽  
Tribal Communities ◽  
Military Academies ◽  
Similar Body

By order of Sultan Abdülhamid II (r. 1876–1909) a new school was opened in Istanbul in October 1892 to provide an Ottoman education for the sons of leading tribal notables. The Aşiret Mekteb-i Hümayun, or Imperial School for Tribes, was a five-year boarding school that admitted boys between twelve and sixteen years old. The school has been rightly interpreted as part of a broader policy pursued by Abdülhamid II of integrating the Arab provinces more closely to the Imperial center. However, the school, which reached beyond the Arab provinces to recruit eastern Anatolian Kurds, was essentially an experiment in social engineering which sought to foster an allegiance to the Ottoman state within one of the most alienated segments of its society: the empire's tribes. On the precedent of urban notables whose sons were educated in Istanbul, obtained government offices, and became Ottoman loyalists, Abdülhamid II and his advisers aimed to create a similar body of intermediaries between the state and its tribes. The experiment ran for fifteen years before the Aşiret Mektebi was closed in 1907; yet in that time the school sent waves of graduates on to higher education in special sections of the civil and military academies and thence to government office in the provinces. In all, the tribal education system represents one of the more ambitious Ottoman initiatives to integrate its tribal communities into the political life of the state.

The Gender Factor in the Political Life of Modern India

2014 ◽  
pp. 101-109
Author(s):  
E. Nikiforova
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Gender Issues ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Minority ◽  
Participation Of Women ◽  
Positive Discrimination ◽  
Gender Factor

The article is devoted to the gender issues in contemporary political life of India. Mass protests caused by rape incidents draw political attention to the problem of low women status in India. To provide a broad political participation of women the methods of “positive discrimination” are used. Each party has its own position concerning reservation initiative in order to guard interests of their own voters. There are also some difficulties within the Women’s right movement. Caste or religious minority groups claim amendments to legislation in their favor.

Civic Virtue and Self-Interest

1995 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher M. Duncan ◽  
Shelley Burtt
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Civic Virtue ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Crucial Element ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
Individual Self ◽  
The Ideal

In this Review in 1993 Shelley Burtt critiqued contemporary republican theorists who urge a reinvigorated citizenry steeped in the ideal of civic virtue. Christopher Duncan finds the essence of Burtt's argument to be that such a revival is not feasible given the level of self-sacrifice required from citizens. He suggests, however, that contemporary republican theorists, like their ancient predecessor Aristotle, are not calling for altruism or the forsaking of self-interest. Rather, virtuous political participation rightly understood is, in fact, among the highest forms of self-interested behavior. Burtt replies that her earlier remarks discussed a part of the republican revival that had little to do with an Aristotelian politics of virtue, which indeed offers an attractive account of political life as a crucial element in individual self-fulfillment. But she notes also that liberalism rightly reminds us of the dangers of public mobilization and concentrated power; moreover, the political and practical obstacles to private reeducation of the citizenry remain.

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