scholarly journals PEMBERONTAKAN PRRI SUMATRA SELATAN TANPA DEWAN GARUDA

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 32
Author(s):  
Diki Tri Apriansyah ◽  
Farida Ratu Wargadalem
Keyword(s):  
Crucial Role ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Guerrilla Warfare ◽  
The South ◽  
Data Verification

Abstract: PRRI South Sumatra is part of the central PRRI. Initially, Barlian (Garuda Council) along with other leaders in Sumatra played a crucial role in demanding the central government to pay more attention to the regions. However, Barlian withdrew in the midst of its development, when it changed to insistence on the central government, until it become a PRRI rebellion. Under the leadership of Nawawi, PRRI South Sumatra rebellion extended until Bengkulu and MUBA. The purpose of this paper is to define how Barlian's attitude shifted to "neutral", and explain the PRRI rebellion process in South Sumatra. The methodology used was history, which consists of heuristic, data verification, interpretation, and writing. The results showed that Barlian's stance of choosing a peaceful path has resulted in his rejection of the form of violence taken by PRRI. PRRI in the South Sumatra region was part of the central PRRI rebellion under the leadership of Nawawi, with areas of struggle extending as far as Bengkulu and MUBA. The PRRI South Sumatra rebellion was difficult to be ceased by APRI, because it was based on guerrilla warfare. The rebellion ended along with the weakening and disappearance of PRRI, and other factors.  PRRI Sumsel adalah bagian dari PRRI pusat. Pada awalnya Barlian (Dewan Garuda) mempunyai peran penting bersama pemimpin lainnya di Sumatera, dalam menuntut pemerintah pusat agar lebih memperhatikan daerah. Namun, pada perkembangannya Barlian menarik diri, ketika berubah menjadi menuntut keras kepada pusat, hingga menjadi pemberontakan PRRI. PRRI Sumsel di bawah pimpinan Nawawi memberontak hingga Bengkulu dan MUBA. Tujuan dari tulisan ini adalah untuk menjelaskan bagaimana perubahan sikap Barlian menjadi “netral”, dan bagaimana proses pemberontakan PRRI di Sumsel. Metodenya adalah sejarah, yang terdiri heuristik, verifikasi data, interpretasi, dan penulisan. Hasilnya menunjukkan penolakan Barlian atas bentuk kekerasan yang diambil oleh PRRI, karena memilih jalan damai. PRRI di wilayah Sumsel merupakan bagian dari pemberontakan PRRI pusat di bawah pimpinan Nawawi, dengan wilayah perjuangan hingga Bengkulu dan MUBA. Pemberontakan PRRI Sumsel sulit diakhiri oleh APRI, karena berbasis perang gerilya. Pemberontakan berakhir seiring dengan lemah dan lenyapnya PRRI, dan faktor lainnya.

Ritual under Change: Mongolian Influences on Horse Races and Mountain Divinity Worship in Tibet

Inner Asia ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-373
Author(s):  
Elke Studer
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
The South ◽  
The West ◽  
Horse Race ◽  
Autonomous Region ◽  
South Eastern ◽  
The North ◽  
History Of

AbstractThe article outlines the Mongolian influences on the biggest horse race festival in Nagchu prefecture in the Tibetan Autonomous Region (TAR).Since old times these horse races have been closely linked to the worship of the local mountain deity by the patrilineal nomadic clans of the South-Eastern Changthang, the North Tibetan plain. In the seventeenth century the West Mongol chieftain Güüshi Khan shaped the history of Tibet. To support his political claims, he enlarged the horse race festival's size and scale, and had his troops compete in the different horse race and archery competitions in Nagchu. Since then, the winners of the big race are celebrated side by side with the political achievements and claims of the central government in power.

scholarly journals Improvising border security: ‘A situation of security pluralism’ along South Sudan’s borders with the Democratic Republic of the Congo

2014 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mareike Schomerus ◽  
Lotje de Vries
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Border Security ◽  
The South ◽  
South Sudanese ◽  
Security Practices ◽  
Republic Of The Congo ◽  
Security Concern ◽  
Discretionary Powers ◽  
Level Government

This article compares two cases of securitization along South Sudan’s border with the Democratic Republic of the Congo. By comparing how a security concern – the presence of the Lord’s Resistance Army – was interpreted and responded to, the article shows that border security practices in two borderscapes are improvised, contradictory and contested, and serve to establish authority rather than actually securing the border. This is apparent on three levels: (a) through the multiplicity of security actors vying for authority; (b) in how they interpret security concerns; and (c) in terms of what practice follows. The article argues that by allowing authority at the border to be taken by actors that are not under direct control of the central government, the South Sudanese state is developing as one that controls parts of the country in absentia, either by granting discretionary powers to low-level government authorities at the border or through tactical neglect. Processes of securitization by both state and non-state actors in the borderland are largely disconnected from the South Sudanese central government, which does not claim authority over this border and thus seemingly does not consider the lack of security for its citizens, and the parallel authorities, as a threat to central stability.

Ethnic Politics and the Post-Communist Transition in Moldova*

1998 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Crowther
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Ethnic Politics ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
The South ◽  
Socialist Republic ◽  
Soviet Socialist Republic ◽  
Political Turmoil ◽  
Former Ussr

During the late 1980s the Soviet Socialist Republic of Moldavia, like many other regions within the former USSR, entered into a period of political turmoil. As the grip of the Communist Party weakened, increasingly serious conflict broke out between the Romanian-speaking majority and minority activists. Separatist forces quickly established themselves in two of the republic's regions, Transnistria on the east bank of the Dnestr river and the Gagauz districts in the south. Both claimed sovereignty and forcibly resisted the authority of the central government. By 1992 severe fighting was underway, especially in Transnistria, and Moldova appeared to be on the verge of a spiral into unrestrained civil conflict. Yet, by 1995, nationalist forces in Moldova had declined, and one of the two separatist conflicts, that in the Gagauz region, had been resolved by the peaceful reintegration of the Gagauz into Moldova. The second conflict, in Transnistria, was at least partially defused, and escalation was avoided.

Jihadists will slow stabilisation of Yemen's south

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The South ◽  
Content Type ◽  
State Actors ◽  
The Government ◽  
Crown Prince ◽  
Government Authority

Significance The bombing represents the latest setback to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE)'s efforts to stabilise southern Yemen and reinstall the government of President Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi. ISG is just one of a number of sub-state actors that have been empowered by the conflict and that will seek to challenge central government authority. Impacts Insecurity in Aden will deal a blow to the legitimacy of the Saudi-backed Hadi government. A major setback in the south will reflect badly on the reputation of Saudi Defence Minister Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Reconstruction efforts in southern Yemen will place increased long-term strain on the Saudi budget in particular. Southern Yemen could emerge as a key battleground in the rivalry between al-Qaida and ISG for leadership of the global jihad.

An Interjection of the Royal Prerogative Into the Legal and Ecclesiastical Affairs of Cheshire in the Fifteen Seventies

1973 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 226-236
Author(s):  
Michael B. Pulman
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Infinite Series ◽  
Central Government ◽  
16Th Century ◽  
Successful Completion ◽  
The South ◽  
Definition Of

It has been remarked that the dissolution of the monasteries amounted to an infinite series of adjustments. This could hardly be more true than it is in the case of what happened to the lands of the dissolved abbey of St. Werburgh in Chester—a city about one hundred and seventy miles northwest of London, situated in a section of the country that was, at least compared with much of the south, uncouth and backward. Here the process of adjustment was so protracted, and in the end productive of so much acrimony, that the intervention of the highest authority in the land—that of the queen herself—was directly necessary for its successful completion, and, even with that intervention, a final concord was scarcely achieved before the 16th century gave way to the seventeenth. In Cheshire, the upheaval caused by the sudden disappearance of the regular Church was long in settling down. Settlement there was, eventually, but it was so slow in coming that one might consider amending the definition of the dissolution mentioned above to read: an infinite series of adjustments, almost infinitely prolonged.What happened in Cheshire can be seen from at least two viewpoints. It can be viewed as providing spectacular evidence as to who benefited the most from Henry VIII's attack upon the ecclesiastical institution; or it can be cited as a case study of just how the central government exercised its control over local affairs during the latter sixteenth century. Here I am concerned with both.

Culture and the City

2019 ◽  
pp. 100-123
Author(s):  
Marta Massi ◽  
Chiara Piancatelli ◽  
Sonia Pancheri
Keyword(s):  
Crucial Role ◽  
The South ◽  
European Capital Of Culture ◽  
Arts And Culture ◽  
Private And Public ◽  
The City ◽  
Depth Interviews

This chapter focuses on the case of Matera, one of the less developed cities in the South of Italy, known as the “shame of Italy” for many years, which has recently been selected by the Council of European Ministers to be the European Capital of Culture in 2019. Matera 2019 has been chosen to illustrate how arts and culture can be particularly critical drivers of rebranding and repositioning of “tough” cities. The chapter emphasizes how the contribution of the city private and public stakeholders has played a crucial role in the rebranding process. Through in-depth interviews with two of main stakeholders involved in the development of the Matera 2019 concept (i.e., the Director of the Matera 2019 Committee, Paolo Verri, and the Mayor of the city, Raffaello De Ruggieri), this chapter will provide practical insights for arts and culture-based rebranding aimed at repositioning a place that has a reputation of “tough” city.

E-Government Policy Implementation in Thailand

2021 ◽  
pp. 258-275
Author(s):  
Mergen Dyussenov ◽  
Lia Almeida
Keyword(s):  
Risk Factors ◽  
Policy Implementation ◽  
Government Policy ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Government Institutions ◽  
Government Power ◽  
Ict Policy

This chapter investigates the current e-government and ICT policy in Thailand from an actor-centered perspective. It reviews existing literature on e-government implementation, while looking into the interaction of government institutions and citizens. It seeks to answer questions, such as the following: What are the key actors in driving the implementation of e-government policies in Thailand? How do Thai citizens perceive e-government efforts and ICT policy implementation especially in the context of present military government power? What are some of the risk factors typically embedded in e-government initiatives and policies implemented in Thailand? Some scholars specifically emphasize the key role of central government institutions in driving the e-government and ICT policy implementation pointing at its readiness to transform toward E-Government 4.0. These observations notwithstanding, issues related to the often-omitted crucial role of citizens and local customers in driving policy implementation and the problem of digital divide remain across much of the developing world.

Sexual Harassment: The South African Perspective

2005 ◽  
Vol 7 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 229-251
Author(s):  
Sandra Govender
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Sexual Harassment ◽  
South African ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
The South ◽  
Positive Duty ◽  
African Perspective ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Law

Sexual harassment is not a new phenomenon in South Africa but until recently nothing significant was done to address it. The problem is currently being addressed through legislation aimed at prevention and eradication. Sexual harassment in the employment environment is an area of great concern. With the advent of new legislation a positive duty has been placed on employers to take steps to combat the problem. Cases have already been brought before the South African courts in terms of the new legislation and the courts have shown no hesitation in implementing the law. Recent decisions have spelt victory for victims of sexual harassment whilst sending out a clear message to perpetrators and employers. The approach adopted by the courts is a laudable one. The scene has been set in South Africa for the eradication of sexual harassment. The last step is the creation of a culture of non-victimisation. Employers have a crucial role to play as far as their employees are concerned. New legislation does address this issue but awareness is necessary to enable individuals to exercise their rights without fear of victimisation. This is of paramount importance if the various pieces of legislation are to achieve their objectives.

Islamic and Arab Cultural Influences in the South of the Philippines

1966 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cesar Adib Majul
Keyword(s):  
Racial Identity ◽  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Cultural Influences ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Cultural Relations ◽  
The South ◽  
National Community ◽  
Filipino People

It is not infrequent for some Filipino historians to write that the Filipino people have inherited a, great deal from both Oriental and Occidental cultures without losing their racial identity, and that before the coming of Spain and Christianity to the Philippines during the sixteenth century, the ancestors of the present-day Filipinos had commercial, political, and cultural relations with India, China, Japan, and the rest of Malaysia. This view, however, requires certain clarifications and qualifications. The term “Filipino” now-a-days is mainly a political one and generally denotes the native inhabitants of the Philippine Archipelago who are subject to a definite and internationally recognized central government. Seventy years or more ago, the native inhabitants of the Philippines were called “indios” and not “Filipinos”, as this latter term was reserved for Spaniards who were born in the Philippines, to distinguish them from those Spaniards who were born in Spain. Historically speaking, in spite of the fact that the present-day Filipinos and their ancestors belong to a wider race, they did not constitute a “people” in any political sense. This is not to deny that their ancestors shared in a common cultural matrix. But if they were a “people” in this sense, then they, with the present-day Indonesians and other Malays, belong to one people. As pointed earlier, the concept of a Filipino people belonging to one national community is a recent one, and the process of integrating them more and more into a national community is still going on. It might be meaningful to maintain that the different Malay peoples at present are segmented or divided into different political entities.

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