scholarly journals Health and Safety Concerns os Migrant Workers: The Experience of Tunisian Workers in Modena, Italy

Finisterra ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 39 (77) ◽  
Author(s):  
Faïçal Daly

This paper examines the relatively under-researched field of healthand safety of migrant workers, with special reference to Tunisian construction workers in the city of Modena in the Italian region of Emilia-Romagna. The empirical material comes from questionnaires and interviews with Tunisian migrants, plus smaller numbers of interviews with employers and trade union representatives in Modena. The paper starts by critically reviewing the scattered literature onthe health and safety of minority workers, most of which refers to the United States and the United Kingdom. The discussion then moves to a consideration of migrant health and safety questions in the contexts of racism, discrimination, social class, working conditions, labour market segmentation and (non-) regulation. Specialattention is given to the failed role of trade unions in defending the rights of minority workers, in advanced countries generally and in Italy in particular. A case study is then made of the construction sector in Italy, enriched by personal accounts of the experiences of Tunisian migrant workers in Modena. Employer and tradeunion interviews reveal a lack of concern and ability to tackle the relevant issues. Barriers to health and safety awareness training are outlined. In the conclusion, recommendations are made for policy initiatives in this area.

Author(s):  
Breen Creighton ◽  
Catrina Denvir ◽  
Richard Johnstone ◽  
Shae McCrystal ◽  
Alice Orchiston

Chapter 3 contains a comparative review of pre-strike ballot requirements, describing the principal forms adopted around the world. It demonstrates that pre-strike ballot requirements can range from ‘light touch’ regulation specifying that union rules must contain provisions requiring the conduct of pre-strike ballots but attaching almost no consequence to failure to do so, through to highly prescriptive requirements which can have the effect of making it exceedingly difficult lawfully to take strike action. Chapter 3 then examines in detail the pre-strike ballot requirements that have been adopted in four jurisdictions: the United States, where there are no formal pre-strike ballot requirements; South Africa, where formerly stringent ballot requirements were replaced by light touch regulation in 1995; Canada, where there are formal requirements for the conduct of pre-strike ballots, but where they appear to be of only very marginal inconvenience to trade unions; and the United Kingdom which has adopted exceedingly complex provisions which betoken an almost obsessive desire to regulate the circumstances and manner in which strike action can lawfully be taken. The chapter also points to the case of Australia, which has adopted an approach that is, in many respects, similar to that of the United Kingdom—albeit with some significant differences. The similarities are such that the detailed study of the operation of the Australian provision affords many insights into the operation of the British provisions, and into the role of law as a means of regulating industrial behaviour more generally.


1980 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Charles Clutterbuck

Recent health and safety legislation in the United Kingdom comes at a time of economic crisis. The only way of understanding its impact is to look back at the roles of employers, the State, trade unions, workers, and the medical establishment over the past 150 years since the rise of industrial capital. In many ways, issues that were current at the turn of the century—such as the conflict between profits and health, whether to clean up the production process or insulate workers from its hazards, compensation, and employers' liability—are still very much present today, although these issues are often obscured by the notions that there is an identity of interest between management and workers over health and safety and that profits and safety go together. The role of the trade unions in dealing with existing and new hazards of production has historically been ambiguous, yet the need for them to develop an overall policy of prevention has always been obvious. Although they are now part of the governing apparatus, other arms of the State—in particular the civil service—initiate changes in health and safety organization, while trade unions make sure they are enacted. The development of trade-union area health and safety groups represents the most important potential change and may well provide the necessary focus for information and organization to cut through the “concerned” propaganda from management and its safety committees and start the long-awaited cleanup of industry.


1993 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-244
Author(s):  
Alan Matheson

This article presents an overview of the comprehensive policies and programs for migrant workers of the Australian Council of Trade Unions. To be effective in ensuring the industrial rights of overseas born workers, a combination of different strategies needs to be employed. Legislative, regulatory and administrative frameworks need to be established and agreed to by all parties. Information and education are integral to any strategy and should be multifaceted, multilingual and include the utilization of a variety of resources. In Australia, some of the most effective campaigns, particularly in the areas of occupational health and safety and discrimination, have occurred where there has been cooperation between unions, employers, governments and community agencies. Training is an essential element of services for overseas born workers. Governments and trade unions will not only need to come to terms with the changing nature of the regional and international movement of workers but will need to develop mechanisms for meeting their social and economic needs and monitoring the effective delivery of services and programs.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089443932110115
Author(s):  
Benoît Dupont ◽  
Thomas Holt

This volume highlights the central role of the human factor in cybercrime and the need to develop a more interdisciplinary research agenda to understand better the constant evolution of online harms and craft more effective responses. The term “human factor” is understood very broadly and encompasses individual, institutional, and societal dimensions. It covers individual human behaviors and the social structures that enable collective action by groups and communities of various sizes, as well as the different types of institutional assemblages that shape societal responses. This volume is organized around three general themes whose complementary perspectives allow us to map the complex interplay between offenders, machines, and victims, moving beyond static typologies to offer a more dynamic analysis of the cybercrime ecology and its underlying behaviors. The contributions use quantitative and qualitative methodologies and bring together researchers from the United States, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Denmark, Australia, and Canada.


1982 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
W.B. Creighton

This article examines the increasingly important issue of the role of statutory safety representatives and safety committees in helping to promote and protect the health, safety and welfare of the Australian workforce. It consists first of an examination of the development of statutory provision in this area in the United Kingdom, culminating in the passing of the Health and Safety at Work Act 1974 and the introduction of the far-reaching Safety Representatives and Safety Committees Regulations of 1977. It then describes and analyses the reception of these provisions, and the philosophy which underpins them, in Australia. Thirdly, it attempts to identify and discuss some of the more important legal and practical implications of this kind of statutory provision. There is reason to suppose that some of these issues have not been analysed in sufficient detail in either Britain or Australia, but overall it is clear that a properly structured system of statutory safety representatives/com mittees can play an important and constructive part in helping to promote a proper awareness of health and safety issues in this country.


2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 309-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jordan Paradise

Perpetual debate regarding the delicate balance between access and innovation and the protection of the public health and safety dominate discussions of the United States Food and Drug Administration (“FDA”). Established chiefly as a command and control federal administrative agency, iterative changes in legislation have shaped the FDA's activity in drug, biologic, and medical device regulation over the course of the last one hundred plus years. The most recent fundamental reframing of the agency's authority and directive presented itself in the 21st Century Cures Act, reflecting an important role for patient perspectives in the regulatory process. This Article explores recent developments in patient-focused product development efforts at the FDA and offers modest insights on the increasing role of patients, and patient advocacy groups, in agency decision-making. The Article terms this era “21st century citizen pharma.”


Author(s):  
Stuart Poyntz

The history of youth and media culture can be examined by tracing the relationships between the production, representation, circulation, and consumption of media, technology, and cultural texts aimed at youth markets and audiences. The historical development of youth relates to larger socioeconomic, cultural, and political conditions, including the role of mass reproduction and changes in the conditions of distance that shape youth lives. Youth and mass media first melded together in the West, owing to developments in the United States and the United Kingdom. The histories of media and youth culture in other countries, however, capture differences in youth media relationships. In the contemporary period, the use of YouTube in the West and WeChat in China illuminates the globalization of youth cultures and the ongoing role of a central paradox integral to young people’s entanglements with media around the world: the key media structures that shape and contour youth lives are also the very sites where youth continue to navigate authentic meaning and experience and imagine their own futures.


Author(s):  
Giacomo Luciani

This chapter looks at the role of oil in the political economy and the international relations of the Middle East. Oil is commonly considered a political commodity. Because of its pivotal importance as a primary source of energy, governments are concerned with its continued availability and seek to minimize import dependence. Historically, interest in oil — especially in the United Kingdom and the United States — strongly influenced attitudes towards the Middle East and the formation of the state system in the region, following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Oil also affects the power balance within the region. The polarization in the region between oil-rich and oil-poor states is thus an essential tool of analysis. The parallel distinction between rentier and non-rentier states helps to explain how oil affects the domestic political development of the oil-rich states and influences their regional relations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 349-365 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda Jean Kenix ◽  
Reza Jarvandi

This research examines coverage of refugees in an attempt to further understand how media frames are actively, and perhaps ideologically, constructed. Articles between 2010 and 2015 were analysed in accordance with their publication in sixteen different news publications from the United States, Australia and the United Kingdom. The newspapers were selected from opposite ends of the ideological political spectrum. This research explores the consequences of these findings for the international community and for objective international newspaper reporting.


Author(s):  
Eugénia C. Heldt ◽  
Laura C. Mahrenbach

Abstract Recent scholarship has highlighted the role of domestic pressures in determining state preferences toward the reform of international organizations (IO s). This article adds a new dimension by examining how partisanship and ministerial control affect state preferences toward IO empowerment. The article derives two expectations from the existing literature. First, partisan position will determine preferences toward IO empowerment. Second, when a government is constituted by multiple parties, the position of the party with the IO’s ministerial portfolio will determine the government’s position toward IO empowerment. The article illustrates this argument by examining the positions of four net donors (Germany, France, the United Kingdom, and the United States) and two net recipients (Brazil and India) during the World Bank’s reforms. By bringing domestic politics back in, this article complements existing studies on the politics of IO reform and weighs in on central debates in comparative politics and international political economy.


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