scholarly journals Beyond the Rhetoric

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 63-75
Author(s):  
Paul Leclerc

Any institution seeking selfpreservation faces a discrepancy and trade-off between its stated, idealistic, long-term ideology, and its compromising, immediate interests. The first is a source of popular legitimacy; the second ensures day-to-day survival. Hamas, an Islamist movement and the de facto government of the Gaza Strip, does not escape this dilemma. Hamas is a pragmatic, rational actor which knows that permanence violence toward Israel, though in line with its ideology, is not a sustainable policy. Hamas cannot afford the continual loss of human and material capital, and is accountable to foreign actors. Still, this ideological extremism results in the ideology–interests inconsistency being magnified. The movement thus has come up with innovative rhetorical strategies and justificatory discourses to bridge the gap. These bridging strategies can be explained in light of the distinction between fundamental and operative ideologies, as well as the theory of framing. The result of these necessary practices is that the ideological goals get blurred with immediate interests. This mix is what ultimately drives Hamas’ strategy and decisionmaking process.

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-54
Author(s):  
Faisal Warikat

This paper investigates the possibility of establishing peace between Hamas and Israel, based on the politicisation model of armed groups that leads eventually to change the violent character of armed groups. The main question is: Can Israel and Hamas have a long-lasting peace to end the conflict in the Gaza Strip?The main pillars of politicisation are the willingness of warring parties to conclude peace, the existence of a ‘hurting stalemate’, the narrowness of objectives and the ability to guarantee public support. The primary conclusion of this paper is that comprehensive peace is difficult to achieve, but a unique long-term truce ‘Hudna’ is attainable.


Author(s):  
Kristen E. Boon

SummaryThe law of occupation has become the subject of great contemporary interest because of two prominent, although sui generis, situations: the long-term Israeli occupation of the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, and the Golan Heights and the “transformative” occupation of Iraq. In both situations, the occupying powers resisted the label of belligerent occupier and selectively applied the 1907 Hague Regulations and the 1949 Geneva Conventions to the territories in question. The unique circumstances of these occupations have sparked vigorous debate over the future of the law of occupation. To wit, is the widely accepted, but largely unenforced, law of occupation capable of regulating transitions between armed conflict and peace in the twenty-first century? This article examines recent developments in the notoriously open-textured law of occupation that have arisen as this law has been variously ignored, invoked, challenged, examined, and ultimately reformed through practice. In particular, it discusses the triggers for beginning and ending an occupation, including recent jurisprudence on the “effective control” test. The article examines who can be an occupier, the question of “multiple occupiers” under unified command, and the obligations of occupiers in the areas of legislation and institutional reform. The author also considers the challenges of UN involvement in transitional situations, including the applicability of the law of occupation to UN forces and the role of the Security Council in adapting the law of occupation. The author concludes with a discussion of the principle of “conservationism” and the relationship between the law of occupation and jus post bellum, in order to provide an assessment of possible “futures” of the law of occupation.


Author(s):  
Ezz El Din Mahmoud Abdel Shair

The study aimed to identify the role of time management in achieving innovation at Al-Aqsa University in the Gaza Strip - Palestine through three time management strategies (targeting the aims, priorities, time planning and decision making) at Al-Aqsa University in the Gaza Strip - Palestine. And the relationship between the strategies of time management and innovation at Al-Aqsa University in the Gaza Strip - Palestine from the point of view of faculty members. The descriptive analysis approach was used. The research community consisted of heads of departments and academics at the faculties, units and centers at Al-Aqsa University. The data collection tool for the study was a questionnaire distributed to a random sample of 265 faculty members. The study reached several results, the most important of which is that time management has a role in achieving creativity at Al-Aqsa University in the Gaza Strip - Palestine, and that the availability of time management dimensions have a role in achieving creativity at Al-Aqsa University. The study showed that there is keenness among the sample members at Al-Aqsa University to plan early on their day-to-day work, low level of attention to long term goals and weak pursuit of these goals such acts, as well as there is less attention by the sample to predict the problems of work before they occur, and that faculty members at Al-Aqsa University have the ability to put forward ideas and solutions to address the problems fast.  


Significance That comes as Hamas yesterday called on Palestinians to step up their confrontations with Israel in response to the killing of a Palestinian teenager in clashes with Israeli security forces in the West Bank. In late 2019, Israel and Hamas began exploring the possibility of a long-term ceasefire in the Gaza Strip and some understandings between the two sides have already been implemented, albeit with little official fanfare. These are now coming under pressure amid Palestinian outrage at a plan to end the conflict unveiled by US President Donald Trump on January 28. Impacts Ahead of March’s election, Netanyahu will come under pressure to act more forcefully in response to escalations. The IDF will complete a 1-billion-dollar underground wall around Gaza to prevent tunnels towards the end of 2020. Prospects for a truce were always likely to be hindered by Hamas’s ongoing reluctance to hand over Israeli hostages and soldiers’ bodies. Hamas may revive Friday protests along the border as of late March. Israel will refrain from acting on its threat to annex parts of the West Bank until at least after the election, if not indefinitely.


Author(s):  
Sara Roy

This chapter examines the Islamic Resistance Movement or Hamas, which was established at the beginning of the first Palestinian uprising in December 1987. This analysis of Hamas focuses on its social dimensions and on the relationship between its social and political sectors, primarily in the Gaza Strip, where the Islamist movement in Palestine is most concentrated. The chapter also explores the ways in which Islamic political institutions interact with and/or influence social institutions and vice versa, the nature of Islamic social and political mobilization in Palestine and the links between them, the changing nature of Islamically legitimized action in the public and political spheres, and the slowly emerging secularization of religious discourse as a way of adapting to existing social and political realities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 109-126
Author(s):  
José S. Vericat

Fatah leaders routinely accuse Hamas of plotting to establish an “emirate” in the Gaza Strip. Gaza is in fact turning into a statelet separate from the West Bank, but it is Israeli policies that are driving the “Gaza is Palestine” option with a series of measures that have been implemented since the early 1990s to sever Gaza from the West Bank. This development has intensified under the administration of U.S. president Donald Trump. In the White House's vision for Middle East peace, which turns the West Bank into a series of isolated Bantustans enveloped by Israeli territory and shorn of Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip becomes the centerpiece of any future Palestinian entity. The international community, laser focused on avoiding another war in Gaza, has prioritized the humanitarian over the political crisis, furthering the excision of the Palestinian territory. As aid flows directly into Gaza, bypassing Ramallah, and Israel and Hamas negotiate a long-term ceasefire, the Palestinian Authority (PA) finds itself increasingly marginalized.


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