scholarly journals The Possibility of Peace between Hamas and Israel

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-54
Author(s):  
Faisal Warikat

This paper investigates the possibility of establishing peace between Hamas and Israel, based on the politicisation model of armed groups that leads eventually to change the violent character of armed groups. The main question is: Can Israel and Hamas have a long-lasting peace to end the conflict in the Gaza Strip?The main pillars of politicisation are the willingness of warring parties to conclude peace, the existence of a ‘hurting stalemate’, the narrowness of objectives and the ability to guarantee public support. The primary conclusion of this paper is that comprehensive peace is difficult to achieve, but a unique long-term truce ‘Hudna’ is attainable.

2020 ◽  
Vol 195 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-54
Author(s):  
Anna Kotasińska

The article deals with the issue of shaping Israel’s specific fencing policy towards the Palestinians, which was manifested, among others, by the construction of the so-called security barrier and the commencement of building an underground wall preventing the population of the Gaza Strip from entering Israel. The above is a continuation of the Israeli-Palestinian dispute, which has lasted several dozen years and whose complexity makes it difficult to achieve a lasting peace.


Author(s):  
Alon Margalit

Abstract Five Israeli nationals, two soldiers and three civilians, have gone missing since the 2014 Israeli–Hamas violent escalation, and they are currently held incommunicado by Palestinian armed groups in the Gaza Strip. In response, the Israeli Government revoked some entitlements from Hamas security detainees held in Israel. It also withholds bodies of Palestinian militants, killed while carrying out attacks against Israelis, refusing to hand them over to the families. The bodies are to be buried in Israel until Israeli nationals, or their remains, are repatriated by Hamas. In several instances where the authorities returned the remains to the next of kin, they imposed various restrictions on the funeral arrangements. The Israeli Supreme Court recently examined the Government’s practices, with some judges finding them unlawful. These developments call for the analysis of the matter under the law of armed conflict (LOAC), taking into account that other States involved in armed conflict encounter similar challenges. This article accordingly discusses some of the legal obligations arising when persons, or their remains, are believed to be in the hands of the belligerent party. It also considers the legality of certain measures taken to promote their repatriation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 63-75
Author(s):  
Paul Leclerc

Any institution seeking selfpreservation faces a discrepancy and trade-off between its stated, idealistic, long-term ideology, and its compromising, immediate interests. The first is a source of popular legitimacy; the second ensures day-to-day survival. Hamas, an Islamist movement and the de facto government of the Gaza Strip, does not escape this dilemma. Hamas is a pragmatic, rational actor which knows that permanence violence toward Israel, though in line with its ideology, is not a sustainable policy. Hamas cannot afford the continual loss of human and material capital, and is accountable to foreign actors. Still, this ideological extremism results in the ideology–interests inconsistency being magnified. The movement thus has come up with innovative rhetorical strategies and justificatory discourses to bridge the gap. These bridging strategies can be explained in light of the distinction between fundamental and operative ideologies, as well as the theory of framing. The result of these necessary practices is that the ideological goals get blurred with immediate interests. This mix is what ultimately drives Hamas’ strategy and decisionmaking process.


Author(s):  
Kristen E. Boon

SummaryThe law of occupation has become the subject of great contemporary interest because of two prominent, although sui generis, situations: the long-term Israeli occupation of the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, and the Golan Heights and the “transformative” occupation of Iraq. In both situations, the occupying powers resisted the label of belligerent occupier and selectively applied the 1907 Hague Regulations and the 1949 Geneva Conventions to the territories in question. The unique circumstances of these occupations have sparked vigorous debate over the future of the law of occupation. To wit, is the widely accepted, but largely unenforced, law of occupation capable of regulating transitions between armed conflict and peace in the twenty-first century? This article examines recent developments in the notoriously open-textured law of occupation that have arisen as this law has been variously ignored, invoked, challenged, examined, and ultimately reformed through practice. In particular, it discusses the triggers for beginning and ending an occupation, including recent jurisprudence on the “effective control” test. The article examines who can be an occupier, the question of “multiple occupiers” under unified command, and the obligations of occupiers in the areas of legislation and institutional reform. The author also considers the challenges of UN involvement in transitional situations, including the applicability of the law of occupation to UN forces and the role of the Security Council in adapting the law of occupation. The author concludes with a discussion of the principle of “conservationism” and the relationship between the law of occupation and jus post bellum, in order to provide an assessment of possible “futures” of the law of occupation.


Author(s):  
Ezz El Din Mahmoud Abdel Shair

The study aimed to identify the role of time management in achieving innovation at Al-Aqsa University in the Gaza Strip - Palestine through three time management strategies (targeting the aims, priorities, time planning and decision making) at Al-Aqsa University in the Gaza Strip - Palestine. And the relationship between the strategies of time management and innovation at Al-Aqsa University in the Gaza Strip - Palestine from the point of view of faculty members. The descriptive analysis approach was used. The research community consisted of heads of departments and academics at the faculties, units and centers at Al-Aqsa University. The data collection tool for the study was a questionnaire distributed to a random sample of 265 faculty members. The study reached several results, the most important of which is that time management has a role in achieving creativity at Al-Aqsa University in the Gaza Strip - Palestine, and that the availability of time management dimensions have a role in achieving creativity at Al-Aqsa University. The study showed that there is keenness among the sample members at Al-Aqsa University to plan early on their day-to-day work, low level of attention to long term goals and weak pursuit of these goals such acts, as well as there is less attention by the sample to predict the problems of work before they occur, and that faculty members at Al-Aqsa University have the ability to put forward ideas and solutions to address the problems fast.  


Author(s):  
Emad Younis El-Sawalhy

This study aims to identify the reality of entrepreneurship, applying on the Palestinian IT companies in the Gaza Strip. The problem of the study was formulated in the following main question: What is the reality of entrepreneurship in Palestinian IT companies? The study applied the analytical descriptive method based on primary and secondary sources of data. The study followed the analytical-descriptive method. The questionnaire was used as a main tool for collecting data from the population, which is (129) individual employees in the departments of electronic marketing in companies, where (97.7%) were retrieved. The study reveals the high level of leadership in the Palestinian information technology in the Gaza Strip. The study recommends the necessity of establishing or developing a center for entrepreneurship in companies and diversifying the sources of funding to support entrepreneurial ideas, with the need to involve entrepreneurs with entrepreneurial ideas and profits.


Significance That comes as Hamas yesterday called on Palestinians to step up their confrontations with Israel in response to the killing of a Palestinian teenager in clashes with Israeli security forces in the West Bank. In late 2019, Israel and Hamas began exploring the possibility of a long-term ceasefire in the Gaza Strip and some understandings between the two sides have already been implemented, albeit with little official fanfare. These are now coming under pressure amid Palestinian outrage at a plan to end the conflict unveiled by US President Donald Trump on January 28. Impacts Ahead of March’s election, Netanyahu will come under pressure to act more forcefully in response to escalations. The IDF will complete a 1-billion-dollar underground wall around Gaza to prevent tunnels towards the end of 2020. Prospects for a truce were always likely to be hindered by Hamas’s ongoing reluctance to hand over Israeli hostages and soldiers’ bodies. Hamas may revive Friday protests along the border as of late March. Israel will refrain from acting on its threat to annex parts of the West Bank until at least after the election, if not indefinitely.


2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 109-126
Author(s):  
José S. Vericat

Fatah leaders routinely accuse Hamas of plotting to establish an “emirate” in the Gaza Strip. Gaza is in fact turning into a statelet separate from the West Bank, but it is Israeli policies that are driving the “Gaza is Palestine” option with a series of measures that have been implemented since the early 1990s to sever Gaza from the West Bank. This development has intensified under the administration of U.S. president Donald Trump. In the White House's vision for Middle East peace, which turns the West Bank into a series of isolated Bantustans enveloped by Israeli territory and shorn of Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip becomes the centerpiece of any future Palestinian entity. The international community, laser focused on avoiding another war in Gaza, has prioritized the humanitarian over the political crisis, furthering the excision of the Palestinian territory. As aid flows directly into Gaza, bypassing Ramallah, and Israel and Hamas negotiate a long-term ceasefire, the Palestinian Authority (PA) finds itself increasingly marginalized.


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