scholarly journals Strengthening Local Democracy (Orientation Study of Political Culture of Coastal Communities in Dulupi District, Boalemo Regency)

Author(s):  
Ramli Mahmud ◽  
Asmun Wantu ◽  
Ruslin Limalo

The political culture of the local community, especially the coastal communities in Dulupi District, Boalemo Regency, is the main instrument in strengthening democracy at the local level of Gorontalo. The composition of voters according to 2019 election data shows 38.4% or 4,418 voters in Dulupi District are in coastal areas including 2,926 people in Dulupi village and 1,492 people in Tabongo village. The figure of 38.4% shows that political participation for coastal communities will determine the direction of development and strengthening democracy at the local level, especially in Boalemo Regency. In fact, the strengthening of local democracy is strengthened through the participant's political culture, but the paternalistic coastal social system tends to direct the political culture of the local community to the parochial aspects and subjects or what is known as kaula politics. Therefore, the tendency of coastal communities to determine their political rights is more on the consideration of parochials and subjects than the participant's cultural aspects. This writing would like to analyze and map the orientation of the political culture of coastal communities in Dulupi District as an agenda for strengthening local democracy in Boalemo District which encompasses: 1) How is the cultural orientation of coastal communities in Dulupi District in strengthening Boalemo local democracy and 2) What factors affect the political cultural orientation of coastal communities in Dulupi District in strengthening Boalemo local democracy.

Author(s):  
RANDRINRIJAONA MAEVA

The exclusion of women is at the heart of the modern political order, despite the gradual recognition of formal equality between men and women in the exercise of political rights. The evolution of the political culture has nevertheless allowed the gradual access of women to power. Yet in the case of Madagascar, gender consideration is not limited to the integration of women in power, but several challenges lie ahead for the country in terms of women's rights. Women parliamentarians through their roles can advocate for women's rights. But the question is how these women parliamentarians advocate for women’s development rights do?Women's development requires respect for their rights, and women parliamentarians, when designing and passing laws, have the opportunity to fight for women's rights, which generally boil down to the right to health, safety and work. The aim is therefore to highlight the capacity of women parliamentarians to establish a rule of law that allows women to develop. Women's participation in the proposals and discussions of laws can play an equal part in promoting women's rights and women's development.


2021 ◽  
pp. 128-138
Author(s):  
A. D. Tumanov

Contemporary political governance is increasingly dependent on the trends of global globalization, changing in the context of global migration and constantly creating and changing multinational communities. This article aims to analyze the existing policies of social inclusion that form the basis of political culture, which plays a significant role in the system of modern political governance in the era of globalization. The aim of the paper is to substantiate the importance of changing the political space for creating a policy of diversity and inclusion, aimed at forming a modern political culture that meets the current trends in governance in the era of globalization. The major research issue of this paper is the question of which points of political culture are the most transformative for the modern political system. The article analyzes the dominant features of modern political culture, which should be paid attention to both in theoretical analysis and in making managerial decisions. The research method is an open-ended written expert survey — 23 experts took part in the survey; the volume of the material obtained as a result of the survey is 48,000 words. The analysis and processing of information was carried out using the methods of systematization, problem-management design and the method of identifying problem dominants. Expert interviews allowed us to identify a number of measures that the political authorities can take to strengthen the transformational potential of political culture. These include the creation of political initiatives and easily accessible opportunities for political integration; the development of an inclusive and tolerant society through the reallocation of resources to help various kinds of minorities, aimed at helping them understand and use their rights and responsibilities; and the development of creativity and innovation as the basis of a new type of political culture. The results of the analysis of expert interviews complement modern international research on the formation of a new political culture and its impact on the formation of the political system. As a result of the research, the author comes to the conclusion that modern political culture assumes controlled diversity, and this is the basis for the transformation of the political system in the near future. The main dominants of political culture are the strengthening of the importance of the local and, in particular, the strengthening of the importance of the urban environment; the development of the political culture of migrants; inclusiveness of political communities, especially at the local level.


2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-38
Author(s):  
Ayten Alkan

Among numerous transformation processes of the globalized neo-liberal era, governmental restructuring and decentralisation of the State have been distinctive and prevalent features, particularly in the countries characterized by highly centralised traditions. This transformation has resulted in rather complex and contradictory reforms at the local level: On the one hand, local community members have begun to be seen as ‘customers’ instead of citizens. But on the other hand, local autonomy and subsidiarity have gained more importance than before. In parallel with the redefinition of local identities, differences, local potentials and decision-making processes, the emphasis on local citizenship and local democracy has become sharper. After coming into force, the new Turkish (local) governmental legislation (2004-2006) has cloven these paradoxical processes and relations. This paper aims to question how far these paradoxes are embedded in the new legislation, and whether, in these circumstances, ‘governmental decentralisation’ directly connotes ‘the empowerment of local governments and local communities’. Keywords: • Turkish Local Governmental System • (Local) Governmental Restructuring • Local Democracy • Neo-liberalism


2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Salim Uddin ◽  
C. Emdad Haque ◽  
Mohammad Nuruzzaman Khan

PurposeDespite Bangladesh's great strides in formulating disaster management policies following the principles of good governance, the degree to which these policies have successfully been implemented at the local level remains largely unknown. The objectives of this study were two-fold: (1) to examine the roles and effectiveness of local-level governance and disaster management institutions, and (2) to identify barriers to the implementation of national policies and Disaster-Risk-Reduction (DRR) guidelines at the local community level.Design/methodology/approachBetween January 2014 and June 2015 we carried out an empirical investigation in two coastal communities in Bangladesh. We employed a qualitative research and Case Study approach, using techniques from the Participatory Rural Appraisal toolbox to collect data from local community members as well as government and NGO officials.FindingsOur study revealed that interactive disaster governance, decentralization of disaster management, and compliance by local-level institutions with good governance principles and national policy guidelines can be extremely effective in reducing disaster-loss and damages. According to coastal community members, the local governments have generally failed to uphold good governance principles, and triangulated data confirm that the region at large suffers from rampant corruption, political favoritism, lack of transparency and accountability and minimal inclusion of local inhabitants in decision-making – all of which have severely impeded the successful implementation of national disaster-management policies.Research limitations/implicationsWhile considerable research on good governance has been pursued, our understanding of good disaster governance and their criteria is still poor. In addition, although numerous national disaster management policy and good governance initiatives have been taken in Bangladesh, like many other developing countries, the nature and extent of their local level implementation are not well known. This study contributes to these research gaps, with identification of further research agenda in these areas.Practical implicationsThe study focuses on good disaster governance and management issues and practices, their strengths and limitations in the context of cyclone and storm surges along coastal Bangladesh. It offers specific good disaster governance criteria for improving multi-level successful implementation. The paper deals with International Sendai Framework that called for enhancement of local level community resilience to disasters. Thus, it contributes to numerous policy and practice areas relating to good disaster governance.Social implicationsGood disaster governance would benefit not only from future disaster losses but also from improved prevention and mitigation of natural hazards impact, benefiting society at large. Improvement in knowledge and practice in disaster-risk-reduction through good governance and effective management would ensure local community development and human wellbeing at the national level.Originality/valueThe failure of local-level government institutions to effectively implement national disaster management and resilience-building policies is largely attributable to a lack of financial and human resources, rampant corruption, a lack of accountability and transparency and the exclusion of local inhabitants from decision-making processes. Our study identified the specific manifestations of these failures in coastal communities in Bangladesh. These results underscore the vital need to address the wide gap between national DRR goals and the on-the-ground realities of policy implementation to successfully enhance the country's resilience to climate change-induced disasters.


2015 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 164 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Patrick Bixler ◽  
Jampel Dell'Angelo ◽  
Orleans Mfune ◽  
Hassan Roba

Increasingly, natural resource conservation programs refer to participation and local community involvement as one of the necessary prerequisites for sustainable resource management. In frameworks of adaptive comanagement, the theory of participatory conservation plays a central role in the democratization of decisionmaking authority and equitable distribution of benefits and burdens. We observe, however, that the institutions of state, society, and economy shape the implementation and application of participation in significant ways across contexts. This paper examines the political ecology of participation by comparing and contrasting discourse and practice in four developed and developing contexts. The cases drawn from Central Asia, Africa, and North America illustrate that institutional dynamics and discourse shape outcomes. While these results are not necessarily surprising, they raise questions about the linkages between participatory conservation theory, policy and programmatic efforts of implementation to achieve tangible local livelihood and conservation outcomes. Participation must be understood in the broader political economy of conservation in which local projects unfold, and we suggest that theories of participatory governance need to be less generalized and more situated within contours of place-based institutional and environmental histories. Through this analysis we illustrate the dialectical process of conservation in that the very institutions that participation is intended to build create resistance, as state control once did. Conservation theory and theories of participatory governance must consider these dynamics if we are to move conservation forward in a way that authentically incorporates local level livelihood concerns.Keywords: participatory governance, political ecology, community-based conservation, environmental governance, discourse


Politeja ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (2 (34/1)) ◽  
pp. 93-106
Author(s):  
Myrosława Lendel ◽  
Switłana Buła

Local government in Ukraine: the form without content Ukrainian crisis of 2013/2014 that is perceived as Euromaidan can be explained, besides other external reasons, also in the terms of the mental and societal conflict between formally democratic, but non‑working legal norms, and the clientele, even feudal political practice. The ideal of democracy can be tested on the local level where the government structures are physically closer to citizens that can use the mechanisms of the direct and other forms of democracy. But in Ukraine the scenario of the rapid and radical transition towards the principles of the local democracy that was implemented in some Central‑European countries was not realized because of the inherited system of the centralized governance, the administrative and territorial division, lack of the motivated elite, non‑activist type of the political culture. The existing legal environment for functioning of the elected councils and mayors did not stimulated the efficient development of the local communities, as well as the faith of the citizens in the role of the political decision‑making, that is the core of the local democracy. Set of the political discourses that are vital in the modern Ukraine and connected with the question of the political system renovation is centered around the decentralization of power, construction of the new scheme of the administrative division of Ukrainian regions. The adoption of the new Constitution in the pair with the political activism of Ukrainian can be a starting point for the construction of the vital local government filled with the sense of democracy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-151
Author(s):  
Sitti Aminah

The reform aims to achieve democracy, prosperity, and justice at the local level. Even though the reform process has been rolling for more than two decades, the goal of reform in realizing local democracy through an ideal regional head election is still far from expectations. This study aims to analyze the causes of the absence of synergy between regional autonomy and regional elections and identify the causes. A qualitative approach is used in the literature review method. The result showed that the root of the problem is not creating a synergy between regional autonomy and regional head elections because the application of the decentralization concept in Indonesia is dominated by the administrative decentralization perspective and the lack of actualizing the political perspective decentralization. The definitions of decentralization and regional autonomy in Acts tend to preserve centralization. Besides, regional autonomy's main objective places more emphasis on the administrative objectives of government and regional development rather than the development of local democracy. The lack of synergy between regional autonomy and regional elections is the gap between expectations and reality and conflicts at the ideological and technical levels. The gap between expectations and reality can be seen from the hope of realizing the acceleration of the democratization process at the local level, but technically, regional autonomy is characterized by an oligarchy of political parties and transactional politics. There are some suggestions for the Ministry of Home Affairs to revise the policy packages for decentralization and regional autonomy, especially in articles regulating the definition and objectives of regional autonomy, as well as revising Acts of Regional Head Election and Acts of Political Parties, particularly regarding the mechanism for nominating regional heads.


Author(s):  
Manuela Mari

Building on a slate of recent discoveries and publications, the chapter investigates how the Macedonian kings employed letters and so-called diagrammata to interact with and to rule over cities within their reign and regions under their control. It thus brings to life the diplomatic activity between court and constituencies that defined the political culture of fourth-century BCE Macedonia: the different types of missives used by the kings yield important insights into the administrative hierarchies and institutional procedures (as well as the ‘styles’ of exercising power) that sustained royal rule. Specifically, Mari reconsiders the role and function of the epistatai (the local administrators who received the letters and were in charge of distributing the royal message): as initial addressees of the royal correspondence but frequently nominated by the local community, they mediated between centre and periphery and thus functioned as vital nodes in imperial administration.


2021 ◽  
pp. 13-41
Author(s):  
Ella Volodymyrivna Bystrytska

Abstract: A series of imperial decrees of the 1820s ordering the establishment of a Greco-Uniate Theological Collegium and appropriate consistories contributed to the spread of the autocratic synodal system of government and the establishment of control over Greek Uniate church institutions in the annexed territories of Right-Bank Ukraine. As a result, the Greco-Uniate Church was put on hold in favor of the government's favorable grounds for the rapid localization of its activities. Basilian accusations of supporting the Polish November Uprising of 1830-1831 made it possible to liquidate the OSBM and most monasteries. The transfer of the Pochaiv Monastery to the ownership of the Orthodox clergy in 1831 was a milestone in the liquidation of the Greco-Uniate Church and the establishment of a Russian-style Orthodox mono-confessionalism. On the basis of archival documents, the political motivation of the emperor's decree to confiscate the Pochayiv Monastery from the Basilians with all its property and capital was confirmed. The transfer to the category of monasteries of the 1st class and the granting of the status of a lavra indicated its special role in strengthening the position of the autocracy in the western region of the Russian Empire. The orders of the Holy Synod outline the key tasks of ensuring the viability of the Lavra as an Orthodox religious center: the introduction of continuous worship, strengthening the personal composition of the population, delimitation of spiritual responsibilities, clarifying the affiliation of the printing house. However, maintaining the rhythm of worship and financial and economic activities established by the Basilians proved to be a difficult task, the solution of which required ten years of hard work. In order to make quick changes in the monastery, decisions were made by the emperor and senior government officials, and government agencies were involved at the local level, which required the coordination of actions of all parties to the process.


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