scholarly journals An Indirect Method to Estimate Total Fertility Rate on the Basis of the Moments of Age Distribution of Women in Reproductive age

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 296-314
Author(s):  
Brijesh P Singh ◽  
Sandeep Sing ◽  
Aalok Ranjan Chaurasia

Total fertility rate (TFR) is the universally used indicator to measure and monitor fertility transition and population stabilization. Calculation of TFR requires data on births by age of woman. In the absence of these data, several indirect methods have been proposed to estimate TFR but their application is limited to specific period and place. This paper deduces a simple regression method for estimating TFR based on the current age distribution of women in reproductive age. The method can be used to estimate TFR at local level and for different sub-groups of the population.

1996 ◽  
Vol 35 (4I) ◽  
pp. 385-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Caldwell

The significance of the Asian fertility transition can hardly be overestimated. The relatively sanguine view of population growth expressed at the 1994 International Conference for Population and Development (ICPD) in Cairo was possible only because of the demographic events in Asia over the last 30 years. In 1965 Asian women were still bearing about six children. Even at current rates, today’s young women will give birth to half as many. This measure, namely the average number of live births over a reproductive lifetime, is called the total fertility rate. It has to be above 2— considerably above if mortality is still high—to achieve long-term population replacement. By 1995 East Asia, taken as a whole, exhibited a total fertility rate of 1.9. Elsewhere, Singapore was below long-term replacement, Thailand had just achieved it, and Sri Lanka was only a little above. The role of Asia in the global fertility transition is shown by estimates I made a few years ago for a World Bank Planning Meeting covering the first quarter of a century of the Asian transition [Caldwell (1993), p. 300]. Between 1965 and 1988 the world’s annual birth rate fell by 22 percent. In 1988 there would have been 40 million more births if there had been no decline from 1965 fertility levels. Of that total decline in the world’s births, almost 80 percent had been contributed by Asia, compared with only 10 percent by Latin America, nothing by Africa, and, unexpectedly, 10 percent by the high-income countries of the West. Indeed, 60 percent of the decline was produced by two countries, China and India, even though they constitute only 38 percent of the world’s population. They accounted, between them, for over threequarters of Asia’s fall in births.


1989 ◽  
Vol 117 ◽  
pp. 1-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peng Xizhe

During the past four decades China has experienced a dramatic fertility transition. Her national total fertility rate (TFR) was approximately 5·8 in the mid 1950s and remained at this level until the end of the 1960s. Since the early 1970s fertility transition has accelerated. The national TFR declined from 5·7 in 1970 to 3·6 in 1975, and down further to 2·31 in 1980. In other words, China’s fertility decreased by more than 50 per cent in only one decade. More recently, China’s fertility rose slightly, due mainly to a relaxation of birth control measures and a large marriage boom. Nevertheless, China’s fertility remains at a low level.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 227
Author(s):  
Melianus Mesakh Taebenu

Indonesia is one of the countries that has been relatively successful in completing a fertility transition. However, provincial differences in fertility still exist, with East Nusa Tenggara (Nusa Tenggara Timur – NTT) having the highest Total Fertility Rate in 2017 (TFR, 3.4 births per woman). By employing a document analysis method, this study explores the indirect and direct determinants of the stalled fertility decline in NTT. It is revealed that all indirect determinants of fertility –culture, socioeconomics, and governance– have shaped women's persistent fertility behaviour in NTT. Meanwhile, among three direct determinants of fertility –marriage, contraception, and postpartum infecundability–, contraception is the only determinant that has been responsible for the stall of fertility transition in this province. These findings suggest that to foster the fertility decline in NTT, the government plays an essential role in boosting the provision of contraception, information and education, and providing incentives for having fewer children.


2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (06) ◽  
pp. 845-852
Author(s):  
GAMINIRATNE WIJESEKERE ◽  
DHARMA ARUNACHALAM

SummaryFertility transition in Sri Lanka began in the mid-1960s and the declining trend continued over the decades. The Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) of 2000 showed the total fertility rate (TFR) reaching 1.9 births per woman, a level below replacement fertility. The next DHS of 2006/7 showed a TFR of 2.3. Some have interpreted this pattern as indicating a reversal of the fertility transition. This paper casts doubts on the below-replacement fertility revealed in the 2000 survey.


2021 ◽  
Vol 129 (s2) ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Frando Ghiffari Ekwanda ◽  
Uning Marlina ◽  
Nova Primadina

Introduction: Long-term contraception is expected to reduce the Total Fertility Rate. However, currently, the use of short-term contraception is more dominant than the long-term (4:1). The study aims to identify differences in the characteristics of sexually active women of reproductive age using long-term versus short-term contraception.


Stanovnistvo ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Nikitovic

After the dissolution of the socialist Yugoslavia (SFRY) in 1991, the quality and availability of demographic and migration statistics in the region as a whole, and especially in some of its parts are deteriorated. In addition, census rounds are not being held regularly throughout the region as of 1991. Thus, producing population projections has become rather challenging in comparison to the period of SFRY. This paper made an effort in order to overcome obstacles in terms of historic data and jump-off projection values for the whole region in accordance with adjusted data from national records. Until 1991, population of the region had been increasing almost linearly. Although SFRY was characterized by significant sub-regional differences in terms of the beginning and the pace of demographic transition, the current total fertility rate throughout the region is below 2.1. The aim of the paper is to consider the long-term implications of low fertility and whether in this respect there would be a demographic homogenization of the region. For that purpose, we relied on the UN WPP2015 model used by the UN Population Division for producing its 2015 World Population Prospects. It enabled several important features from the viewpoint of the main tasks of the paper: the methodologically consistent datasets on main demographic indicators, probabilistic approach for modelling and forecasting fertility and mortality, the opportunity to adjust initial datasets for known issues on data quality (Serbia, Kosovo, Bosnia & Herzeg.), and ability to adjust data distribution according to the former administrative division of SFRY. The last one was of particular importance as it allowed us to take into account the well-known diversity of fertility patterns in Serbia (Vojvodina, Central Serbia and Kosovo), and to make a distinction in projection results between the sub-regions differed by the onset and tempo of fertility transition. The UN concept of post-transition recovery of total fertility rate is lying behind the hypotheses of future TFR. According to the model, Slovenia and Vojvodina has been already entered the post-transitional phase. Central Serbia and Macedonia are first to join them (as of 2020), followed by Croatia and Bosnia & Herzeg. (2025), and Montenegro (2030). However, the fertility transition in Kosovo could last until 2070. The greatest chance (median distribution of the simulated trajectories) is that TFR in the SFRY region will converge to the levels projected for Southern Europe (1.8) in 2100, except in Slovenia (1.89). Hypotheses on migration in deterministic manner were based on the ?migration cycle model? introduced by Fassmann and Reeger (2012), which assume that all of Europe will eventually experience the transition to net immigration. Since the strategic objectives of all governments in the region are consistent when it comes to joining the EU, it is taken as a pivotal condition for a hypothesis on the migration transition. The symbolic turning point in the transition process in the region (2035) implies that the whole region will become the part of the EU by then. Kosovo is assumed to be the only territory not able to achieve the net immigration during The greatest chances (median of the distribution) are that the population in the region of SFRY will be reduced by 16.9% between 2015 and 2055, which puts this region among the ones that are going to experience the strongest decrease (over 15%) in global terms - mainly countries of the former Eastern bloc and Japan. According to the median of prediction intervals, a sharp decline is expected in Vojvodina (31.7%), Cent. Serbia (27.2 %), Bosnia & Herzeg. (22.0%), and Croatia (18.9%), which is similar to the countries that were expected to experience the greatest population decrease in the world by 2050 - Bulgaria, Romania, Ukraine, and Moldova. The region reversal to the historic population maximum of 1990 seems to be not possible even in conditions of the above replacement fertility. A zone of depopulation emerged along the eastern rim of the EU, which, according to the UN model, is the most prominent depopulation zone in global terms. Prediction intervals indicate that by the mid-century, with the exception of Kosovo, only Slovenia has some chances (35%) to maintain the current population size. However, to return to its maximum population by 2100 some chance has only Slovenia (almost 30%), and only minimal Montenegro (8%), and Kosovo (5%). Old-age dependency ratio in the SFRY region is likely to double by the mid-century, while the prediction intervals suggest that even a return to the current unfavourable level is outside of the range of possible outcomes throughout the region. It is the most important long-term demographic implication of low fertility. Yet, that rise has its limits. Therefore, the next four decades will be the most challenging period of getting used to the new demographic reality, which in view of the modern concept of population policy (quality before quantity) is not necessarily bad. One of the conclusions is that the significant increase in the total fertility rate, i.e. up to and around the replacement level of 2.1, which current official projections (Cent. Serbia, Vojvodina, Montenegro, and Croatia) consider as the ultimate objective of population policy, is far beyond the possible outcomes.


1970 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-335
Author(s):  
Ponnapalli Krishna Murthy ◽  
Kumar Akash

In the absense of direct estimates of fertility indicators such as total fertility rate (TFR) and childbearing indices, it is customory in the field of demography/Population studies to derive the same using some suitable indirect procedure. In this paper an attempt has been made at first to introduce a new regression methodology for estimating indirectly the maternal childbearing indices from the only given information on TFR. Secondly, using the regression models provided here and using an indirect estimate of TFR of districts in India a set of childbearing indices for disricts in India are derived and they are further used in understanding the fertility transition in India by districts during the time period of 1997 to 2011. Finally, it is shown successfully in this paper by an analysis of the findings that the regression models as well as the estimates of childbearing indices of the district in India are found to be very useful in understanding the fertility transition in India during the study period of 1997 to 2011.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  

As there is a push to monitor indicators at the local level, it is important to determine whether surveys designed for national representation can be used at the district level. This paper explores the accuracy and validity of using the NFHS-4, a nationally representative data source, to estimate district-level Total Fertility Rate (TFR) for the eight Empowered Action Group (EAG) states and Assam.


Author(s):  
Mahvish Qazi ◽  
Najmus Saqib ◽  
Sachin Gupta

Background: India with 1.35 billion people is the second most populated country in the world next to China. Total fertility rate of India is 2.2 and the current total fertility rate of Jammu and Kashmir is 1.7 which is still lagging behind various states. This study was conducted to investigate the knowledge, attitude and practices of contraception in women of reproductive age in this set up.Methods: The present cross-sectional study was carried out in patients attending OPD (outpatient department) of Obstetrics and Gynecology at ASCOMS, Jammu, Jammu and Kashmir, India from 1st September 2017 to 31st August 2018. 200 married women aged between 18-49 years were included in this study. Socio-demographic characteristics of the women, their knowledge, attitude and practices on contraception were evaluated with the help of predesigned questionnaire.Results: Out of 200 women, maximum respondents belong to age group of 21-25 years (75.6%). Most of the contraceptive non-users belongs to age below 20 years (62.5%). Majority of respondents were Hindu (70.37%), maximum studied up to secondary level education (84.61%), 70.30% were housewives and 56.58% belongs to middle class. In 45% of respondents, media was the main source of information. Preferred spacing method was condom in 85% of cases. 68% women had knowledge of female sterilization. According to most women, family planning methods are meant for limitations of birth (43%) and 36% meant for spacing of birth. 80% women had positive attitude towards contraceptive usage. 50% experienced side effects with the use of contraceptives. The most common side effect was menstrual irregularities in 25% of cases. Most common reason for not using contraceptive methods among non-respondents were lack of knowledge in 50% of cases.Conclusions: The study showed that inspite of having good knowledge, utilization of contraceptives were less because of large family norm, religious myth, cultural and political barriers. Ignorance regarding use and side effects of various contraceptive methods is another reason for inadequate practice of family planning methods.


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