The Shadow and the Substance of Sojourner Truth

Author(s):  
Lisa Pace Vetter

The chapter explores the important yet neglected theoretical contributions of Sojourner Truth. Because she was illiterate, Truth left behind no writings in her own hand. Yet fragmentary evidence remains from those who saw and wrote about her, including Frederick Douglass. Applying the analytical framework that emerges from previous chapters reveals that Truth’s most frequently deployed rhetorical tactic is ridicule, the weapon of choice of her contemporary Elizabeth Cady Stanton as well. Like Frances Wright and Lucretia Mott, Truth leads her audience through speech and deed to confront the persistent injustices against women and freed slaves that are deeply rooted in the American project itself. Like Mott and the Grimkés, Truth’s egalitarian political views were deeply influenced by her religious faith, which also relied on an inner voice. As a freed black woman of modest means, unhindered by race, gender, and class privilege, Truth embodies the very concept of intersectionality about which other reformers could only write and speak.

2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Cahyo Pamungkas

This article is addressed to describe the social relations within the Papuan ethnic groups and between Papua native and migrants concerning some customary rights in Kaimana district. This research describes the struggle of inland and beach tribes in fighting for customary rights of land in Kaimana. Moreover, it captures the respond of migrants in dealing with the customary right. This study shows the recognition of the the eldest ethnic in Kaimana is a strategy and discourse constructed by Papua ethnic groups that have felt marginalized while migrants have taken their resources. This right could be understood as the need for recognition of Papua ethnic groups. The most important issue is not who the native of Kaimana is, but what the proper ways to give recognition to Papua ethnic groups which had been left behind in development are. The relation between the Papua natives and migrants in Kaimana is not complicated as the migrants have no privileges in the political contestation. However, these relationship are affected by the differences in religious affiliations. The Muslim Papua ethnic groups generally have a closer relationship with the Muslim migrants. The analytical framework of this study using the theoretical framework of identity and ethnicity to look at the issue. Does the definition of identity and ethnicity according to sociological theories are still relevant to understanding the issue of claims of ethnic identity in the city of Kaimana.


2021 ◽  
pp. 333-357
Author(s):  
Mark Lawrence Schrad

A key flaw in the standard, culturalist interpretation is that prohibitionism was a “whitelash” of conservative, rural, nativists “disciplining” of immigrants and blacks. The reality of 1840s New York was completely different: not only were Irish immigrants more likely to be temperate than their nativist, American counterparts (Chapter 5), but the focus of temperance activism—the money-making liquor traffic—was actually in the hands of established white nativists like “Captain” Isaiah Rynders, “Boss” Tweed, and the corrupt Tammany Hall machine. In upstate New York, temperance-abolitionist-suffragist reformers--including Frederick Douglass, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Amelia Bloomer, and Susan B. Anthony--began a movement for women’s equality born of their temperance activism. Concurrent with the 1853 World’s Fair in New York, Rynders and his Know-Nothings clashed, physically, with the equal-rights reformers from upstate, whose temperance threatened the financial foundations of the Tammany Hall political machine.


Author(s):  
Lisa Pace Vetter

Frances Wright (1795–1852), Harriet Martineau (1802–1876), Angelina Grimké (1805–1879), Sarah Grimké (1792–1873), Lucretia Mott (1793–1880), Elizabeth Cady Stanton (1815–1902), and Sojourner Truth (ca. 1797–1883). These seven women were on the front lines fighting for two of the most important causes in American history: abolitionism and expanding women’s rights. The Jacksonian era in which they lived fundamentally challenged the American project. The potential enfranchisement of marginalized populations—especially women and enslaved persons—led to confrontations over the foundational principles of America. These women are well known to historians, scholars of literature, and others. In comparison, from the perspective of political theory, our understanding of the early women’s rights movement and abolitionism, pivotal developments in American political thought, is still relatively limited. In spite of its openness to nontraditional theorists—the Founders and Abraham Lincoln, for example—American political thought does not extend the same recognition to many abolitionists and early women’s rights advocates. This book examines the works of these seven influential women to show that they offer significant theoretical insights into the founding principles of equality, freedom, citizenship, representation, deliberation, religious toleration, and constitutional reform. Their efforts served as a “civic founding” that laid the groundwork not only for women’s suffrage and the abolition of slavery but also for the broader expansion of civil, political, and human rights that would characterize much of the twentieth century and continues to unfold today.


2011 ◽  
Vol 15 (1, 2 & 3) ◽  
pp. 2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Blaikie ◽  
Diana Ginn

Full, open, and civilized discourse among citizens is fundamental to the life of a liberal democracy. It seems trite to assert that no discourse should be prohibited or excluded simply because it is grounded in religious faith or employs religious beliefs to justify a particular position.1 Yet there are those who contend that it is improper for citizens to use religious arguments when debating or deciding issues in the public square,2 that metaphorical arena where issues of public policy are discussed and contested. In this article we challenge this position, examining the various arguments that are put forward for keeping public discourse secular, arguments that when citizens explicitly ground their social and political views in their religious beliefs, this is divisive, exclusionary, and ultimately antithetical to the liberal democratic state. We maintain that none of these arguments are persuasive.


2020 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 484-489
Author(s):  
B. Karimova ◽  
◽  
G. Tuyakbayev ◽  

Mustafa Shokay is the first Kazakh emigrant, public figure who fought for national freedom, state independence and the unity of Turkic people in political emigration abroad. He is the founder of Kokand Autonomous Republic. He was forced to emigrate under the pressure of Soviet ideology on ethnic minorities and their politicians. He strongly opposed Bolshevik government, which came to power in 1917 and fought for the unification of Turkic people of Central Asia. He published his political views and principles in foreign media in Kazakh, Russian, English, French and Turkish languages and recognized himself as political fighter for political figures of eastern, western and European countries. In the first half of the XX century, he established contacts with world politicians. Mustafa Shokay traveled abroad, opened several political and social magazines and established himself as a publicist and editor. He left behind himself journalistic articles and memoirs, speeches at meetings and forums at various levels. Among such heritage, special place occupies letters of M. Shokay, which he wrote to politicians, scientists, heads of state, relatives and artists. The article discusses the epistolary heritage of M. Shokay and its historical significance.


Author(s):  
Lisa Pace Vetter

Frances Wright’s early socialist critique exposed the systemic oppression of ordinary American citizens at the hands of the ruling white male elite, and encouraged individuals to scrutinize the mechanisms of political power to ensure their legitimacy. Wright dealt more directly with slavery and the oppression of women than her better known contemporary Alexis de Tocqueville. Harriet Martineau refashioned Adam Smith’s moral theory of sympathy to provide a pathway to abolishing slavery and expanding women’s rights. Angelina Grimké, Sarah Grimké, and Lucretia Mott provided the foundations for a Quaker political theory, a set of ideas framed within their religious worldview on issues of equality, freedom, citizenship, and constitutional reform. Elizabeth Cady Stanton exposed the hypocrisy of women’s oppression and began a process of moral instruction reminiscent of Smith’s moral theory. Using her unique status as a free black woman to destabilize stereotypes and biases, Sojourner Truth encouraged men and women of all races to reexamine their double standards and hypocrisies. These women were limited by the political and cultural norms in which they lived, and yet they expanded the fundamental principles of the American project to address the needs of the disenfranchised, a process that continues today.


Author(s):  
Naomi Greyser

This epilogue considers the legacy of nineteenth-century sentimentalism, turning to contemporary civic statuary that memorializes nineteenth-century sentimentalists. Juxtaposing this statuary with the hauntingly ephemeral installation The Ghost of Liberty Street Church, the chapter offers postpresentist inquiry as a method that regards the archive as an urgent and poignantly incomplete political project. Where historicist approaches emphasize distance and difference from history through periodization, and charges of presentism name historians’ overidentification with the past, postpresentism holds in view intimacy and distance between past and the present. The epilogue lays out postpresentist readings of sculptures of Harriet E. Wilson in Milford, New Hampshire; Winnemucca Hopkins and Sojourner Truth in the United States Capitol Rotunda; and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Amelia Bloomer, and Susan B. Anthony in Seneca Falls, New York. These statues’ site-specific installations bring into relief the raced, gendered, and colonial legacies of the grounds beneath their podia and feet.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 288-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luigi Droste

According to much of the extant literature, feelings and beliefs among many citizens of being left behind and unheard by unresponsive political decisionmakers, who lack moral integrity represent the epicenter of recent protest and populist discontent in democratic society. Based on survey data for 20 contemporary democracies from two ISSP waves, we found that anti-establishment attitudes are not shared among the majority of respondents. Although there are differences between country contexts. Such sentiment is associated with macrostructural dynamics, since unfavorable attitudes toward politicians are more widespread among publics in countries which are exposed to higher levels of public corruption and witnessed increasing levels of income inequality. Besides, such sentiment is also restricted to particular social groups of society, because hostile feelings toward political decisionmakers are stronger among citizens in the lower ranks of society and among younger birth cohorts. Since the beginning of the century and throughout the Great Recession, unfavorable attitudes toward politicians have not increased among the public in advanced democracies. However, our analysis indicates that respondents with such attitudes have increasingly turned toward voting for anti-elite parties to raise their voice and now make use of online options to express their political views more frequently than in the past. Overall, the analysis contributes to recent research on populist and reactionist dynamics in contemporary democracies by addressing dynamics and structures of the feeling of being left behind by political decisionmakers and its implications for political (in)activity.


Author(s):  
Nancy A. Hewitt

The life of Amy Kirby Post reveals an egalitarian, interracial, and mixed-sex network of activists who worked across the nineteenth century to achieve a democratic vision of social justice. Ties of family, friendship, and faith solidified this network, which was forged by radical Quakers like the Posts and the Motts, and free and fugitive blacks, including Frederick Douglass, William C. Nell, and Sojourner Truth. Amy and her husband Isaac Post were integral to this network and incorporated their social justice ideals into their family life, household, and business. In promoting racial justice, religious liberty, and the rights of women, Indians, and workers, Amy Post served as a conductor across diverse movements, orchestrating events and meetings and transmitting resources, ideas and tactics from one campaign to another.


Author(s):  
Ernest J. Quarles

In this era of “My Brother’s Keeper,” we have been blinded from fully recognizing the Black woman’s race-, gender-, and class-based persecution and oppression. This daunting reality, though, has existed since 1619. She has lived through the dehumanizing experience of slavery and the unfulfilled promises of Reconstruction, lynching, Jim Crow, and segregation, and today she often finds herself left out or at the margins of our concern with regard to her humanity. Even during the life of the great Frederick Douglass, who spoke out against America’s torturous evils, the Black woman was unchampioned.  She was never offered a pedestal to speak, yet she spoke boldly nonetheless. America wanted her to be the footstool for white society, but she vehemently refused. Anna Douglass, Harriet Tubman, Rosetta Douglass, Anna Julia Cooper, Ida B. Wells, Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin, and others were the thought leaders who shaped and defined the truest sense of humanity and morality for nineteenth- and twentieth-century America. They are the talented tenth who saved Black America and, in so doing, the heart and soul of our nation.


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