scholarly journals RELASI ISLAM, NEGARA, DAN PANCASILA DALAM PERSPEKTIF TATA HUKUM INDONESIA

2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hamdan Zoelva

<p>There aredifferences of opinion in looking at the relationship between religion and state. Some proposed that the state should be based on religion (Islam) and others have argued the opposite, the state should be separated from the religion (secular nationalism). The debate is considered complete after the Jakarta Charter formula was agreed, although it was annulled after the legalization of the Constitution on August 18, 1945. History shows that Muslims sacrifice for this country is invaluable both in terms of physical struggle (body and soul) and ideological (Islamic values). So that, returning authority to the Muslim community to determine the direction of development of the country has become a necessity. Through this article, the author would like to express a new form of moral calling on Muslims to contribute to this country, some of them with sincerity impose Islamic lawinto national law.</p> <p>Terdapat perbedaan pendapat dalam memandang hubungan agama dan negara. Ada yang berpendapat negara  harus  berdasarkan  pada  agama  (Islam)  dan  ada  yang  berpendapat sebaliknya,  bahwa negara  harus  dipisah  dari  agama  (nasionalisme  sekuler).  Perdebatan dianggap selesai setelah disepakati rumusan Piagam Jakarta, meskipun kemudian dianulir setelah  disahkannya  UUD  tanggal  18  Agustus  1945.  Sejarah  ini  menunjukkan  bahwa pengorbanan umat Islam untuk negeri ini tidak ternilai harganya baik ditinjau dari segi perjuangan fisik (jiwa raga) maupun ideologis (nilai-nilai keislaman). Dari pengorbanan tersebut,  mengembalikan  kewenangan  kepada  umat Islam  untuk  menentukan  arah pembangunan negara ini menjadi keniscayaan. Karena itu melalui tema ini, penulis ingin mengungkapkan bentuk baru panggilan moral umat Islam untuk memberikan konstribusi terhadap negeri ini, yaitu diantaranya melalui keikhlasan memberlakukan hukum Islam ke dalam hukum nasional.</p>

1970 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 284-295
Author(s):  
Muridan Muridan

M. Natsir was one of the most prominent figures in religious discourse and movement in Indonesia. He was ada’wa reformer as well as a politician and a statesman.His most well known ideas were about the relationship between Islamand state, Islam and Pancasila, and his idea on da’wa. He stated that a country would be Islamic because of neither itsformal name as an Islamic state nor its Islamic state principles. The principles of the state could be generally formulated aslong as they referred to the Islamic values. Natsir also stated that the essence of Pancasila didn’t contradict with Islam; evensome parts of it went after the goals of Islam. However, it didn’t mean that Pancasila was identical with Islam. In relation toda’wa, he stated that it should be the responsibility of all Muslims, not only the responsibility of kiai or ulama. To make a da’wamovement successful, he suggested that it needed three integrated components; masjid, Islamic boarding school, andcampus.


1970 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-74
Author(s):  
Muridan Muridan

M. Natsir was one of the most prominent figures in religious discourse and movement in Indonesia. He was ada’wa reformer as well as a politician and a statesman. His most well known ideas were about the relationship between Islamand state, Islam and Pancasila, and his idea on da’wa. He stated that a country would be Islamic because of neither itsformal name as an Islamic state nor its Islamic state principles. The principles of the state could be generally formulated aslong as they referred to the Islamic values. Natsir also stated that the essence of Pancasila didn’t contradict with Islam; evensome parts of it went after the goals of Islam. However, it didn’t mean that Pancasila was identical with Islam. In relation toda’wa, he stated that it should be the responsibility of all Muslims, not only the responsibility of kyai or ulama. To make ada’wamovement successful, he suggested that it needed three integrated components; masjid, Islamic boarding school, andcampus.


2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-127
Author(s):  
Abdoulaye Sounaye

Unexpectedly, one of the marking features of democratization in Niger has been the rise of a variety of Islamic discourses. They focus on the separation between religion and the state and, more precisely, the way it is manifested through the French model of laïcité, which democratization has adopted in Niger. For many Muslim actors, laïcité amounts to a marginalization of Islamic values and a negation of Islam. This article present three voices: the Collaborators, the Moderates, and the Despisers. Each represents a trend that seeks to influence the state’s political and ideological makeup. Although the ulama in general remain critical vis-à-vis the state’s political and institutional transformation, not all of them reject the principle of the separation between religion and state. The Collaborators suggest cooperation between the religious authority and the political one, the Moderates insist on the necessity for governance to accommodate the people’s will and visions, and the Despisers reject the underpinning liberalism that voids religious authority and demand a total re-Islamization. I argue that what is at stake here is less the separation between state and religion than the modality of this separation and its impact on religious authority. The targets, tones, and justifications of the discourses I explore are evidence of the limitations of a democratization project grounded in laïcité. Thus in place of a secular democratization, they propose a conservative democracy based on Islam and its demands for the realization of the common good.


2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-127
Author(s):  
Abdoulaye Sounaye

Unexpectedly, one of the marking features of democratization in Niger has been the rise of a variety of Islamic discourses. They focus on the separation between religion and the state and, more precisely, the way it is manifested through the French model of laïcité, which democratization has adopted in Niger. For many Muslim actors, laïcité amounts to a marginalization of Islamic values and a negation of Islam. This article present three voices: the Collaborators, the Moderates, and the Despisers. Each represents a trend that seeks to influence the state’s political and ideological makeup. Although the ulama in general remain critical vis-à-vis the state’s political and institutional transformation, not all of them reject the principle of the separation between religion and state. The Collaborators suggest cooperation between the religious authority and the political one, the Moderates insist on the necessity for governance to accommodate the people’s will and visions, and the Despisers reject the underpinning liberalism that voids religious authority and demand a total re-Islamization. I argue that what is at stake here is less the separation between state and religion than the modality of this separation and its impact on religious authority. The targets, tones, and justifications of the discourses I explore are evidence of the limitations of a democratization project grounded in laïcité. Thus in place of a secular democratization, they propose a conservative democracy based on Islam and its demands for the realization of the common good.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 106
Author(s):  
Budi Nurhamidin ◽  
Arifin Kusuma Wardani

<pre><em>This study aims to see and analyze the relationship between religion and the state towards the Here Krisna sect as a spiritual movement found in Hinduism. This research uses a qualitative method with a case study approach. The problem in this study is whether there is a religious politics that occurs in Hinduism and how the relationship between religion and the state. In this regard, the points that will be elaborated by researchers include the background of the emergence of Here Krishna, the teachings conveyed, the vision of transformation, religious politics, and the relationship between religion and the state. The research results obtained that the emergence of the Here Krina stream does not become a problem for the PHDI because its existence does not make people uneasy about Hindus in general, as well as the relationship between religion and state philosophically the first precepts that read the Almighty God is based as a philosophical basis for national life and state. From the results of this study it can be understood that the Here Krisna stream can exist because it is based on Hinduism, which is an official religion and its social norms do not interfere with social life and its teachings do not conflict with the ideology of the nation as the basis of the state.</em><em></em></pre>


Author(s):  
Elly Warnisyah Harahap ◽  
Syahrin Harahap ◽  
Amroeni Drajat

This paper describes the thoughts of Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) about religion and democracy. Abducting Abdurrahman's thoughts about religion and democracy today is not only relevant, but important, especially in the midst of various radicalism issues that are currently being discussed today. The issue of radicalism which is generally directed at Muslims is suspected because of the desire of a group of Muslims to make Islam appear in its formal form in this country, in other words they want to make Indonesia an Islamic state. This desire which was opposed by Abdurrahman by considering the plurality of the nation, especially according to Abdurrahman, there is no standard provision of the state in Islam. By using library data, it is concluded that specifically in seeing the relationship between Islam and democracy there are three kinds of responses, namely integrative, facultative, and confrontational. In addition, Abdurrahman firmly said that Islam does not need to be present in a formal form in this country, just enough substance that is when Islamic values are realized in democracy, because the teachings of democracy do exist in Islam.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-91
Author(s):  
Zakiya Darajat

Discourse on the relationship between religion and state seems to be a discourse that never ends to be discussed. The emergence of a statement of President Jokowi on March 24, 2017 which discourse the separation between religion and politics immediately launched a public reaction. Some agreed, but many also criticized. For those who agree with the statement Jokowi reasoned that religion is often used as a politician tool that has the potential to divide the nation. But for those who reject Jokowi's statements argue that the separation of religion from the state is the same as denying the basis and philosophy of the state which has historically been extracted from the values of the religiosity of the Indonesian nation itself. Using historical, sociological and political approaches, this article intends to analyze how discourses on the relation between religion and state taking place in Indonesia in the historical perspective, as well as the problems it causes. This paper proves that although experiencing ups and downs, judging from the historical geneologi, the life of the nation and the state of Indonesia can not be separated from the values of religiosity. Both are always symbiotic mutualism. Putting the Godhead of the One Supreme God as the first principle in Pancasila, is in fact an acknowledgment of the importance of religious values in the life of the nation and the state.---Diskursus tentang relasi antara agama dan negara seolah menjadi wacana yang tak pernah usai untuk dibahas. Munculnya statemen Presiden Jokowi pada 24 Maret 2017 yang mewacanakan pemisahan antara agama dan politik segera menyeruakkan reaksi publik. Ada yang mengiyakan, tapi banyak juga yang mengecam. Bagi yang setuju dengan statemen Jokowi beralasan bahwa agama sering kali dijadikan sebagai alat politisasi yang berpotensi memecah belah bangsa. Namun bagi mereka yang menolak statemen Jokowi berargumentasi bahwa upaya pemisahan agama dari negara sama halnya dengan mengingkari dasar dan falsafah negara yang secara historis justru digali dari nilai-nilai religiusitas bangsa Indonesia itu sendiri. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan sejarah, sosiologis dan politik, artikel ini bermaksud menganalisis bagaimana diskursus tentang relasi antara agama dan negara yang terjadi di Indonesia dalam perspektif sejarah, serta problematika yang ditimbulkannya. Tulisan ini membuktikan bahwa meskipun mengalami pasang surut, dilihat dari geneologi kesejarahan, kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara Indonesia tidak bisa dilepaskan dari nilai-nilai religiusitas. Keduanya senantiasa bersimbiosis mutualisme. Diletakkannya Sila Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa sebagai sila pertama dalam Pancasila, sejatinya merupakan  sebuah pengakuan akan pentingnya nilai-nilai religiusitas dalam kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-164
Author(s):  
Pan-Chiu Lai

ABSTRACTIn the history of the religion-state relationship in China, a model of subordination of religion to the state has been dominant for centuries. In recent years, some Chinese Protestant churches have advocated the model of separation of church and state. Through a historical and theological analysis, this study argues that in order to relieve the tensions between Chinese Protestantism and the contemporary Chinese government, a better conceptual alternative is to reconsider the issue in terms of autonomy rather than separation or subordination, and to argue for legally allowing the coexistence of both official and nonofficial churches and grant different degrees of autonomy to each.


2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 211
Author(s):  
Mashudi Mashudi

<p class="IIABSBARU">This research describes the formulation want state politics and religious ties with the country according to Yusuf al-Ulama Qardhawy and Classical. The results of the analysis of their thinking as outlined in his works, can be explained that Yusuf al-Qardhawy reformulate the concept of the relationship between religion and the state as well as the state political through and isti'ab syumuli method, a problem of how to resolve the impasse in state politics as well as the relationship between religion and state product classical scholars thought. Reformulation of the concept of the relationship between religion and the state is the solution to the stagnation (stagnation) patterns of thought classical scholars. The concept of state politics by Yusuf al-Ulama Classical Qardhawy and there are points in common with the Indonesian state politics in the context of the present though not totally, so that some can be implemented to control the practice of politics in Indonesia lately away from religious ethics.</p><p class="IIABSBARU" align="center">***</p>Penelitian ini ingin menjelaskan formulasi politik kenegaraan dan hubungan agama dengan negara menurut Yusuf al-Qardhawy dan Ulama Klasik. Hasil analisis dari pemikiran mereka yang dituangkan dalam karya-karyanya, dapat dijelaskan bahwa Yusuf al-Qardhawy mereformulasi konsep hubungan agama dan negara serta politik kenegaraan tersebut melalui metode <em>shumulī</em> dan <em>isti’ab, </em>suatu cara menyelesaikan kebuntuan problematika politik kenegaraan serta hubungan agama dan negara produk pemikiran ulama klasik. Reformulasi konsep hubungan agama dan Negara tersebut merupakan solusi atas stagnasi (ke­jumud­an)<em> </em>corak pemikiran ulama klasik. Secara teoritis, konsep politik kenegaraan menurut Yusuf al-Qardhawy dan Ulama Klasik terdapat titik kesamaan dengan politik kenegaraan Indonesia dalam konteks sekarang meskipun tidak secara total, sehingga sebagian dapat diimplementasikan untuk mengendalikan praktik perpolitikan di Indonesia yang akhir-akhir ini jauh dari etika agama.


1970 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-146
Author(s):  
Dodo Widarda

The research aims to search and find the relationship between religion and the state in the Text of the Tanbih of the Tarekat Qodiriyyah wa Naqsyabandiyyah (TQN) Suryalaya. This type of research is qualitative research through factual historical research on manuscript texts with the Philosophy Research Methodology. In the Tanbih Text originating from Sheikh Abdullah Mubarak bin Nur Muhammad (Abah Sepuh) and later popularized by Sheikh Ahmad Shohibul Wafa 'Tajul' Arifin (Abah Anom) the relationship between religion and the state has significant significance and serves as a guide for community and state life for the brothers TQN. In addition to developing Islamic values, Tanbih directed the brothers to develop a feeling of love for the motherland. The conclusion of this research, there is a strong relationship between religion and the state in the Tanbih Text and can be the basis for maintaining the sovereignty of the NKRI with a strong religious perspective. This study provides recommendations for further research related to the relationship of religion with the state to strengthen the mandate of Indonesians amid the development of various ideologies that threaten state sovereignty.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document