scholarly journals Othering Europe: Ambivalence in Moroccan Discourse Towards Modernity under the Dogmatic Understanding of Islam and the Political Affiliation to the Monarchy

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (42) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Hamza Salih
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Affiliation ◽  
Cultural Model ◽  
Intellectual Elite ◽  
Religious Thinking ◽  
Travel Writers ◽  
Cultural Dialogue ◽  
Primary Focus ◽  
Material Progress

This paper is a study of the reaction of the Moroccan intellectual elite against/towards European modernity in the nineteenth century. The primary focus is on the Moroccan failure to formulate and develop a positive and reasonable response to European expansionism and menace. This threat may seem military in its core as it was related to colonialism, yet the encounter was essentially cultural and the reaction of the Moroccan elite took its grounds from religious and cultural stands. This is simply because Europe was not only a colonizing Other, but also a cultural opponent with which Morocco had armed conflicts, long-standing rivalries, and even cultural dialogues. This paper develops an argument that the Moroccan intellectual elite exemplified via ambassadorial travel writers, the Makhzen’s envoys to Europe, failed to see Europe as a possible model or at least to open some horizons of cultural dialogue and encounter. Due to cultural reasons and historical circumstances, this intellectual elite rejected Europe and modernity. The present paper limits itself to the question of ambivalence shown by Moroccan ambassadorial travel writers in their narratives. It argues that their travel accounts were torn between the writers’ religious thinking and political affiliations. It postulates that ambassadorial travel writers showed ambivalence in their connection to the idea of modernity. Their narratives were governed by the dichotomy of admiration of the material progress of Europe and rejection of Europe as a possible cultural model.

Современный образ войны и проблема ее трасформации

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
D. A. Abgadzhava ◽  
A. S. Vlaskina
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Social Progress ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
The Past ◽  
Advanced Technologies ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Boundaries ◽  
Modern War

War is an essential part of the social reality inherent in all stages of human development: from the primitive communal system to the present, where advanced technologies and social progress prevail. However, these characteristics do not make our society more peaceful, on the contrary, according to recent research and reality, now the number of wars and armed conflicts have increased, and most of the conflicts have a pronounced local intra-state character. Thus, wars in the classical sense of them go back to the past, giving way to military and armed conflicts. Now the number of soldiers and the big army doesn’t show the opponents strength. What is more important is the fact that people can use technology, the ideological and informational base to win the war. According to the history, «weak» opponent can be more successful in conflict if he has greater cohesion and ideological unity. Modern wars have already transcended the political boundaries of states, under the pressure of certain trends, they are transformed into transnational wars, that based on privatization, commercialization and obtaining revenue. Thus, the present paper will show a difference in understanding of terms such as «war», «military conflict» and «armed conflict». And also the auteurs will tell about the image of modern war and forecasts for its future transformation.

scholarly journals A Data-Driven Framework for Coding the Intent and Extent of Political Tweeting, Disinformation, and Extremism

Information ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 148
Author(s):  
Mahdi Hashemi
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Online Social Networks ◽  
Data Driven ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Affiliation ◽  
News Sources ◽  
The U.S

Disinformation campaigns on online social networks (OSNs) in recent years have underscored democracy’s vulnerability to such operations and the importance of identifying such operations and dissecting their methods, intents, and source. This paper is another milestone in a line of research on political disinformation, propaganda, and extremism on OSNs. A total of 40,000 original Tweets (not re-Tweets or Replies) related to the U.S. 2020 presidential election are collected. The intent, focus, and political affiliation of these political Tweets are determined through multiple discussions and revisions. There are three political affiliations: rightist, leftist, and neutral. A total of 171 different classes of intent or focus are defined for Tweets. A total of 25% of Tweets were left out while defining these classes of intent. The purpose is to assure that the defined classes would be able to cover the intent and focus of unseen Tweets (Tweets that were not used to determine and define these classes) and no new classes would be required. This paper provides these classes, their definition and size, and example Tweets from them. If any information is included in a Tweet, its factuality is verified through valid news sources and articles. If any opinion is included in a Tweet, it is determined that whether or not it is extreme, through multiple discussions and revisions. This paper provides analytics with regard to the political affiliation and intent of Tweets. The results show that disinformation and extreme opinions are more common among rightists Tweets than leftist Tweets. Additionally, Coronavirus pandemic is the topic of almost half of the Tweets, where 25.43% of Tweets express their unhappiness with how Republicans have handled this pandemic.

The Universidad Popular Mexicana

1973 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-122
Author(s):  
John S. Innes
Keyword(s):  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
Practical Knowledge ◽  
Capital City ◽  
The Political ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
Intellectual Elite ◽  
Successful Communication ◽  
Popular Classes

During the early, most chaotic years of the Mexican Revolution, there flourished in the capital city a briefly successful communication between the young intellectual elite and the workers. In the Universidad Popular Mexicana from 1913 through 1922, intellectual leaders of the Generation of 1910 sought eagerly to instill in the popular classes not only immediately practical knowledge but also the signal intellectual awakening they themselves had recently experienced. Their revolution against positivism was not precisely identical with the political revolution beginning in 1910, but insofar as the official positivist doctrine was discredited, so was the old regime itself fatally undermined.

Editorial

2009 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manasi Kumar ◽  
Erica Burman
Keyword(s):  
Millennium Development Goals ◽  
Health Management ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Critical Approaches ◽  
Development Goals ◽  
Short And Long Term ◽  
Primary Focus

We welcome readers to the first special issue (11.1) of the Journal of Health Management. We hope the readers find the articles and various reviews enriching and provocative, both in terms of the range of ideas and critical approaches addressed. The key theme of this double issue concerns the political limits of mega-development projects such as the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The primary focus of the articles collected here is to provide an insightful, constructive and in-depth critique of the United Nations (UN) MDGs along with critical deliberations on their short- and long-term implications not only for health management but also for a wide range of issues around development and social change.

Male Hegemony, Social Class and Women's Education

1982 ◽  
Vol 164 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Madeleine Arnot
Keyword(s):  
Women's Education ◽  
Sociology Of Education ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Reproduction ◽  
Cultural Tradition ◽  
Cultural Model ◽  
Women And Girls ◽  
Class Reproduction ◽  
British Sociology ◽  
Two Bodies

The ways in which male hegemony in education has and has not been addressed in educational research concerning women and girls in schools are considered. Two bodies of research in the British sociology of education — the cultural tradition and the political economy tradition — are discussed in terms of the ways in which they address the question of gender. The radical theories of social and cultural reproduction of class structure are then considered. It is argued that it is necessary to include a consideration of gender reproduction in any theory of class reproduction, whether the perspective is from a social or a cultural model. A theory of the production of gender differences inside and outside the schools is contrasted with prevailing reproduction theories. The paper concludes with a call for further research in the field of women's education that will both recognize the existence of class and male hegemony in the schools and will at the same time acknowledge that the constant need to reimpose hegemony entails both struggle and the possibility for change.

The Social Life of Opium in China, 1483–1999

2003 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yangwen Zheng
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Modern China ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese History ◽  
Major Theme ◽  
Opium Trade ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
Opium Wars

The history of opium is a major theme in modern Chinese history. Books and academic careers have been devoted to its study. Yet the question that scholars of the opium wars and of modern China have failed to ask is how the demand for opium was generated. My puzzle, during the initial stage of research, was who smoked opium and why. Neither Chinese nor non-Chinese scholars have written much about this, with the exception of Jonathan Spence. Although opium consumption is a well-acknowledged fact, the reasons for its prevalence have never been fully factored into the historiography of the opium wars and of modern China. Michael Greenberg has dwelt on the opium trade, Chang Hsin-pao and Peter Fay on the people and events that made armed conflicts between China and the West unavoidable. John Wong has continued to focus on imperialism, James Polachek on Chinese internal politics while Opium regimes: China, Britain, and Japan, 1839–1952, the latest work, has studied the political systems that controlled opium. But the political history of opium, like the opium trade and the theatre of war, is only part of the story. We need to distinguish them from the wider social and cultural life of opium in China. The vital questions are first, the point at which opium was transformed from a medicine to a luxury item and, secondly, why it became so popular and widespread after people discovered its recreational value. It is these questions that I address. We cannot fully understand the root problem of the opium wars and their role in the emergence of modern China until we can explain who was smoking opium and why they smoked it.

scholarly journals Exhibiting an Unapologetic Fascist: Mario Sironi

Perceptions ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Fiona Fackler
Keyword(s):  
Public Perceptions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Contemporary Culture ◽  
National History ◽  
Work Of Art ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Displays ◽  
Contemporary Politics ◽  
The World ◽  
Primary Focus

Benito Mussolini's Fascist dictatorship over Italy in the period between world wars remains a troubling element of the nation's history. It has heavily affected the contemporary politics and public displays of in addition to scholarship about the thriving artistic scene of that time, yet, the weight of Italy's Fascist legacy has either comprised the primary focus of or been entirely absent from studies on art in the 1920s-1930s until a recent academic interest in reinvestigating the political and cultural atmosphere of the period. This paper underlines the importance of such renewed critical interests in chapters of painful history and how those interests can influence public perceptions of national history and its outreach into contemporary culture. Specifically, I will examine the written and exhibited discrepancies between the life of the painter Mario Sironi under the regime and the life of selected paintings that perpetuate his existence in contemporary Italy. By comparing La Famiglia del Pastore in "Roma Anni Trenta: La Galleria d'Arte Moderna e Le Quadriennali (1931 - 1935 - 1939)" at the Galleria d'Arte Moderna and La Solitudine in "Time is Out of Joint" at the Galleria Nazionale I will analyze how exhibitions of art shape the Italian public's reception of this period. I contend that certain exhibiting styles can either deepen public reception and consideration for a work of art and the time from which it stems or can reduce understanding to that inspired by instantaneous connections, dependent on the institution's or curator's approach to context. For, no trip to a museum is simply a trip to a museum – whether actively or passively, museums shape how the public approaches the works in its halls and through these works, how the public approaches themselves and the world surrounding them.

scholarly journals Afiliasi Partai Aceh Ke Partai Nasional (Studi Kasus: Keikutsertaan Kader Partai Aceh Dalam Partai Nasional Pada Pemilu Legislatif DPR RI 2019)

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Rahmad Saputra ◽  
Muradi Muradi ◽  
Leo Agustino
Keyword(s):  
National Level ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Affiliation ◽  
National Party ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Local Party

The purpose of this study is to look at how the relationship between local parties and national parties has not been revealed publicly, analyze the objectives of Aceh Party affiliation with national parties in the 2019 legislative elections and Analyze what strategies Aceh parties play in affiliating with national parties in the 2019 legislative elections. This study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive methods. Data collection techniques to be carried out in this study consisted of semi-structured interviews, observations, and documentation studies to find out the purpose of the political affiliation of Aceh party cadres to national parties. Through this research, it was found that the Aceh Party continues to strive to consistently fight for the interests of Aceh, especially in the issue of special autonomy that has not yet been realized. Then the Aceh Party as a local party that won the General Election in Aceh since 2009 has continued to try to maintain the acquisition of seats and expand the interests of the party, especially at the national level by placing its cadres in the national party.

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