PERAN MAHMUD GHAZNI TERHADAP PERKEMBANGAN PERADABAN ISLAM, 388-421 H/ 998-1030 M

The topic of this research needs to be investigated because at that time there were many events related to the description of the struggle of many Islamic figures in advancing Islam, especially Mahmud Ghazni. During the reign of Mahmud Ghazni Islamic civilization experienced rapid progress and during the reign of Mahmud Ghazni much progress in the fields of education and the economy. Mahmud Ghazni was a man who controlled Islam and had a lot of influence and power during wars and often won over his enemies until the caliph Al-Qadir Billah gave him the title Yamin addaulah which means people who are trusted by the government and Amin Addaulah which means trusted by the government. Mahmud Ghazni is known as a pious person and has a strong promise in the field of science and development. The problems discussed in this study are as follows. First, what is the general picture of the Ghaznavid dynasty in Islamic history? Second, how was the development of the Ghaznawiyah dynasty during the reign of Mahmud Ghazni? Third, what is the strategy used by Mahmud Ghazni in advancing Islamic civilization? In this study, the type of research used is qualitative research that relies on library materials that are relevant to the research theme, while the method used is historical research, which seeks to find out and make a systematic and objective reconstruction of past history related to the role of Mahmud Ghazni on the development of Islamic civilization (388-421 H / 998-1030 AD), by collecting, evaluating strong evidence to establish facts and get strong conclusions. The results of the research in this study are first, Alpataqin was the pioneer of the founding of the Ghaznawiyah Dynasty, while Sabuktaqin was able to form an established dynasty power and a wide area so that it was later recognized by Baghdad. Second, the government of the Ghaznawiyah dynasty experienced glory during the reign of Mahmud Ghazni who ruled for approximately 34 years. Its power can be used to expand its territory to reach the territory of India, to successfully conquer Peshawar, Kashmir, and Bathinda in 391-394 H/1001-1004 AD. Punjab was controlled in 1006 AD, Kangra in 1009, Baluchistan in 402-403 H. /1011-1012 AD, then Delhi in 405-406 H/1014-1015 AD. The vast territory and abundant sources of wealth make this country's economy very strong, so that it can be used for the prosperity of the country. First, Alpataqin was the pioneer of the founding of the Ghaznawiyah dynasty, while Sabuktaqin was able to form an established dynasty and a large area that was later recognized by Baghdad. Third, Mahmud Ghazni in advancing Islamic civilization in India, carried out several strategies to be able to achieve the heyday and progress of Islam. Mahmud Ghazni's strategy is to advance Islamic civilization in India by carrying out policies in the fields of politics and government, in the military field, carrying out several policies in the economic field as well as policies in the socio-cultural and religious fields.

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A History of Koshe Town in South-Central Ethiopia from 1941 to 1991

Ethnologia Actualis ◽

10.2478/eas-2021-0006 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 20 (1) ◽

pp. 119-137

Author(s):

Yohannes Tesfaye Getachew

Keyword(s):

Research Paper ◽

Military Regime ◽

Central Ethiopia ◽

South Central ◽

Important Development ◽

History Of ◽

The Government ◽

The Military ◽

Commercial Center

Abstract Koshe town is the administrative and commercial center of Mareko woreda.1 It is found in Gurage Zone Southern Nation Nationalities and Peoples Regional State. According to the tradition the origin of the name “Koshe” is originated from the plant which called by the name Koshe which abundantly grow in the area. The establishment of Koshe town is directly associated with the five years Italian occupation. Due to the expansion of patriotic movement in the area Italian officials of the area forced to establish additional camp in the area in a particular place Koshe. This paper explores the role of Fascist Italy for the establishment of Koshe town. The former weekly market shifted its location and established around the Italian camp. Following the evacuation of Fascist Italy the Ethiopian governments control the area. During the government of Emperor Haile Selassie Koshe town got some important developmental programs. The most important development was the opening of the first school by the effort of the Swedes.2 The Military regime (Derg)3 also provided important inputs for the urbanization of Koshe town. This research paper observes the development works that flourish in Koshe during the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie and the Military regime, and also asses the role of different organizations for the urbanization of Koshe town.

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‘Who Wants to be a Social Engineer? A commentary on David Blunkett's Speech to the ESRC’

Sociological Research Online ◽

10.5153/sro.433 ◽

2000 ◽

Vol 5 (1) ◽

pp. 74-84 ◽

Cited By ~ 8

Author(s):

Peter Hodgkinson

Keyword(s):

Social Science ◽

Policy Process ◽

Social Research ◽

Social Scientists ◽

Politics And Government ◽

The Government ◽

Education And Employment ◽

Social Scientific ◽

The Uk

This article is a response to a speech addressed to the Economic and Social Research Council which was made, in February this year, by the UK Secretary of State for Education and Employment, David Blunkett. The speech was entitled ‘Influence or Irrelevance: can social science improve government?’ . Blunkett's programme for engaging social science in the policy process is far from unique and many of the arguments have been heard before. However, the curiosity of the speech lies in the fact that the conception of social science which Blunkett advocates mirrors the approach New Labour itself has to politics and government. This raises some rather interesting difficulties for social scientists. How do we engage in a debate about the role of social scientific research in the policy process when our own conception of the discipline may be radically at odds with that of the government? Furthermore, New Labour's particular conception of the relationship between social and policy-making means that we not only have to contest their notion of what it is we do, but also challenge their conception of the policy process. We cannot ignore this engagement, even if we wanted to. The challenge is to address it and to do so, moreover, in terms which Blunkett might understand. This article is an attempt to start this process.

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“Korea National Prayer Breakfast” and Protestant Leaders’ Prophetic Consciousness during the Period of Military Dictatorship (1962–1987)

Religions ◽

10.3390/rel9100308 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 9 (10) ◽

pp. 308

Author(s):

Yohan Yoo ◽

Minah Kim

Keyword(s):

Government Support ◽

Political Arena ◽

Political Ambition ◽

Military Dictatorship ◽

Korean Society ◽

John The Baptist ◽

Military Regimes ◽

The Government ◽

The Military

This paper illuminates the prophetic consciousness of Korean Protestant leaders by examining the “Korea National Prayer Breakfast” (Gukgajochangidohoe, 국가조찬기도회) that they hosted, particularly during the military regimes. In explaining the motivation for and intention of this special religious event in the political arena, most scholars have emphasized the Protestant leaders’ political ambition and their agendas to get the government support and expand their power in Korean society. However, we should take heed of the leaders’ religious aspirations to make the country righteous in God’s sight. They attempted to have a good influence on the inner circle of the military dictatorship, which some Christians regarded as an evil force. Though they preached to and prayed for the military regimes, their sermons were often unpleasant and challenging to the presidents and their associates. The Protestant leaders wanted to play the role of John the Baptist rebuking Herod Antipas rather than the compliant chief priests and scribes serving Herod the Great.

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Wreck/Conciliation? The Politics of Truth Commissions in Thailand

Journal of East Asian Studies ◽

10.1017/s1598240800005531 ◽

2014 ◽

Vol 14 (3) ◽

pp. 377-404 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Duncan McCargo ◽

Naruemon Thabchumpon

Keyword(s):

Political Violence ◽

Truth Commissions ◽

Security Forces ◽

Reconciliation Commission ◽

The Government ◽

The Military ◽

The Way

More than ninety people died in political violence linked to the March–May 2010 “redshirt” protests in Bangkok. The work of the government-appointed Truth for Reconciliation Commission of Thailand (TRCT) illustrates the potential shortcomings of seeing quasi-judicial commissions as a catch-all solution for societies struggling to deal with the truth about their recent pasts. The 2012 TRCT report was widely criticized for blaming too much of the violence on the actions of rogue elements of the demonstrators and failing to focus tightly on the obvious legal transgressions of the security forces. By failing strongly to criticize the role of the military in most of the fatal shootings, the TRCT arguably helped pave the way for the 2014 coup. Truth commissions that are unable to produce convincing explanations of the facts they examine may actually prove counterproductive. Following Quinn and Wilson, we argue in this article that weak truth commissions are prone to politicization and are likely to produce disappointing outcomes, which may even be counterproductive.

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The Role of Media in the Coverage of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPS) of Malakand Division (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa)

Global Mass Communication Review ◽

10.31703/gmcr.2020(v-ii).04 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol V (II) ◽

pp. 34-49

Author(s):

Dost Muhammad Yousafzai ◽

Mehrunnisa

Keyword(s):

Internally Displaced Persons ◽

Displaced Persons ◽

Military Operation ◽

Internally Displaced ◽

The Media ◽

The Government ◽

Democratic Stability ◽

The One ◽

The Military

The Taliban rule in Swat and the adjoining districts of Malakand Division was a major threat to the democratic stability of Pakistan. In consequence, the state had to mobilize the army and to curb militancy through force after all peaceful measures had failed. During the military operation, about 3 million people became IDPs (internally displaced persons) with no food and shelter. The only means of bringing the problems of the IDPs to the notice of public was possible only through media. The present research study is undertaken to highlight the role of media mainly the print in representing the IDPs, the language they used to describe the events and the experience of senior journalists (Bureau Chiefs) in the field. The study concludes that media performed in a commendable way to highlight the problems of IDPs, to glorify the army and to downplay the anti-state narrative of the Taliban. Further, it is found that despite all efforts, the media personnel felt torn between the various sides' expectations. On the one hand, they were pressed hard by the government and the IDPs to give them more coverage while the militants would also issue threats to them in case their views were not properly.

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The Role Of The Principalities Of The Kashkadarya Oasis In The Political History Of The Bukhara Emirate In The XIX-Early XX Centuries

The American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations ◽

10.37547/tajssei/volume02issue11-14 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 02 (11) ◽

pp. 79-85

Author(s):

Akhmadjon Kholikulov ◽

◽

Ozodbek Nematovich Nematov ◽

Keyword(s):

Political History ◽

The Political ◽

Government Officials ◽

Political Relations ◽

History Of ◽

The Government ◽

The Military

Information on political relations between the government of the Emirate of Bukhara and the principalities of the Kashkadarya oasis in the early XIX-XX centuries is reflected in the works of local historians and Russian tourists, diplomats, the military. Local historians such as Muhammad Mirolim Bukhari, Muhammad Siddiq, Mirzo Abdulazim Somi, Mushrif Bukhari, Ahmad Donish, Mirzo Salimbek, who lived and worked during this period, were government officials and dedicated their works to the reigns of the Mangit emirs.

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Something Mightier: Marginalization, Occult Imaginations and the Youth Conflict in the Oil-Rich Niger Delta

Africa Spectrum ◽

10.1177/000203971104600301 ◽

2011 ◽

Vol 46 (3) ◽

pp. 3-26 ◽

Cited By ~ 4

Author(s):

Edlyne Anugwom

Keyword(s):

Niger Delta ◽

Task Force ◽

Social Injustice ◽

Oil Companies ◽

Niger Delta Region ◽

Oil Corporations ◽

Asymmetric Power ◽

The Government ◽

The Military

This contribution examines the role of occult imaginations in the struggle against perceived socio-economic marginalization by youth militias from the Ijaw ethnic group in the oil-rich Niger Delta region of Nigeria. It argues that the asymmetric power between the federal government/transnational oil corporations (TNOCs) and the militias may have privileged the invocation of the supernatural as a critical agency of strength and courage by the youth militias. The conflict in the region embodies a cultural revision which has been necessitated by both the uncertainty of the oil environment and the prevailing narratives of social injustice. Hence the Egbesu deity, seen historically as embodying justice, has been reinvented by the youth militias and imbued with the powers of invincibility and justice in the conflict with the government and oil companies. The low intensity of the conflict has limited both the extent of operations and scale of force used by the military task force in the area and thus reinforced the perception of invincibility of the militias attributed to the Egbesu.

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The British Cabinet and the Anglo-French Staff Talks, 1905–1914: Who Knew What and When Did He Know It?

Journal of British Studies ◽

10.1086/385827 ◽

1985 ◽

Vol 24 (1) ◽

pp. 110-131 ◽

Cited By ~ 4

Author(s):

John W. Coogan ◽

Peter F. Coogan

Keyword(s):

World War I ◽

World War ◽

French Military ◽

Starting Point ◽

The First World War ◽

Two Generations ◽

The Government ◽

The Military ◽

First World

The role of the British cabinet in the Anglo-French military conversations prior to the First World War has been and remains controversial. The acrimonious debate within the government during November 1911 seems linked inextricably to the flood of angry memoirs that followed August 1914 and to the continuing historical debate over the actions and motivations of the various ministers involved. Two generations of researchers now have examined an enormous body of evidence, yet the leading modern scholars continue to publish accounts that differ on the most basic questions. Historians have proved no more able than the ministers themselves were to reconcile the contradictory statements of honorable men. The persistence of these differences in historical literature demonstrates both the continuing confusion over the cabinet's role in the military conversations and the need for a renewed effort to resolve this confusion.The starting point for any discussion of the staff talks must be the recognition that the meaning of the term changed significantly over the nine years before the outbreak of World War I. The contacts began with a series of informal discussions between senior British and French officers during 1905. The first systematic conversations took place early in January 1906 under the authority of Lord Esher, a permanent member of the Committee of Imperial Defence (CID), and Sir George Clarke, the CID secretary. Later in that month a small group of ministers, including Prime Minister Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, sanctioned formal, ongoing exchanges between the two general staffs.

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Peran TNI dalam Pembinaan Teritorial (Studi Kasus di Desa Sungai Ceper, Kecamatan Sungai Menang, Kabupaten Ogan Komering Ilir, Sumatera Selatan)

Ampera: A Research Journal on Politics and Islamic Civilization ◽

10.19109/ampera.v1i2.5554 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 1 (2) ◽

pp. 93-106

Author(s):

Tri Kusuma Santi

Keyword(s):

Human Security ◽

Community Empowerment ◽

Primary Data ◽

Target Area ◽

Territorial Development ◽

The Government ◽

The Military ◽

The Relationship

The title of this research is "The Role of The Indonesian Militer In The Development of The Territorial (Case Study in Sungai Ceper Village, Sungai Menang District, Ogan Komering Ilir District)". TNI in the context of defending territory, assisting the tasks of regional governments based on Law Number 34 of 2004 concerning the TNI in the development of physical or non-physical communities, territorial development, community empowerment in territorial / remote / remote areas and improving the welfare of the community through TNI Manunggal Building Village (TMMD) program. The purpose of this research is to find out how the relationship between military and civilian is formed through the TNI Manunggal Building Village (TMMD) program and the implementation of the TNI Manunggal Building Village activities when viewed from a human security approach. The method used in this study is a qualitative approach with stages, namely interviews, observation, documentation. Meanwhile, the source of this research is primary data sources. Based on the results of the study it can be seen that, physical achievements in the implementation of the TNI Manunggal Building Villages have been carried out based on the target, but there is one thing that makes constraints in achieving these targets. Then, the relationship between the military and civilians was well established because through the TNI Manunggal Building Village program, and the closer cooperation between the TNI and the Government. Then, through this activity the target area community is able to obtain aspects of the human security approach in the form of personal security.

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THE ROLE OF PRESIDENT ABDEL FATTAH AL-SISI'S GOVERNMENT FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF EGYPT'S POST-REVOLUTIONARY ECONOMIC REFORMS IN 2011

Jurnal CMES ◽

10.20961/cmes.14.2.54120 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 14 (2) ◽

pp. 92

Author(s):

Hardi Alunaza ◽

Virginia Sherin

Keyword(s):

Conflict Management ◽

Economic Reform ◽

Positive Impact ◽

Research Use ◽

Font Size ◽

Actor Model ◽

Inflation Rates ◽

The Government ◽

The Military

<pre style="text-align: justify; background: #F8F9FA;">After the revolution in 2011, Egypt has experienced various conditions of instability in various fields, especially the economy and politics. The government of Mohammed Morsi, which was previously expected improve the Egyptian economy, actually exacerbated the situation. The Egyptian people staged various protests and other forms of protest in order for the government to immediately improve the situation. However, the government failed to carry out conflict management so the military carried out a coup. Morsi's position was later replaced by Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi. Al-Sisi's background as a military figure led to repressive policies being implemented. During Al-Sisi's reign, there was a significant increase in the Egyptian economy. The purpose of this research is to identify the role of President Al-Sisi's government for the development of economic reform in Egypt after the 2011 Revolution. This research useda qualitative approach with an exploratory type of research, and refers to the theory of liberalism and the rational actor model. The results of this research indicate that President Al-Sisi's policies have a positive impact on the development of the Egyptian economy as indicated by an increase in Egypt's Gross Domestic Product, a decrease in inflation rates, and poverty.</pre>

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