scholarly journals Obowiązek posiadania dowodu osobistego i funkcje dowodów pod rządami dekretu z dnia 22 października 1951 roku o dowodach osobistych oraz w czasach współczesnych

2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 157-173
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Tomaszewska

The fulfilment of basic civic duties has always entailed the need for individuals to bear certain responsibilities. Their weight varies depending on the content of the obligation itself and the political system of the state in which the obligation is fulfilled. Such a claim is fully justified if we consider the obligation to have an identity card, defined by the content of the Decree of 22 October 1951 and the Act of 6 August 2010 on Identity Cards. The analysis of the above-mentioned regulations allows for: emphasizing the obligation’s character as a basic civic duty, recalling the differences in the actual occurrence and social perception of ailments related to the implementation of the obligation to have an identity card in the times of the Polish People’s Republic and in the 21st century, while referring to the similarities and differences resulting from the visual aspects and functionality of contemporary and historical ID cards.

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Jasko ◽  
Joanna Grzymala-Moszczynska ◽  
Marta Maj ◽  
Marta Szastok ◽  
Arie W. Kruglanski

Reactions of losers and winners of political elections have important consequences for the political system during the times of power transition. In four studies conducted immediately before and after the 2016 US presidential elections we investigated how personal significance induced by success or failure of one’s candidate is related to hostile vs. benevolent intentions toward political adversaries. We found that the less significant supporters of Hillary Clinton and supporters of Donald Trump felt after an imagined (Study 1A) or actual (Study 2) electoral failure the more they were willing to engage in peaceful actions against the elected president and the less they were willing to accept the results of the elections. However, while significance gain due to an imagined or actual electoral success was related to more benevolent intentions among Clinton supporters (Study 1B), it was related to more hostile intentions among Trump supporters (Studies 1B, 2, and 3).


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 385
Author(s):  
Wojciech Organiściak

WINCENTY SKRZETUSKI ABOUT NECESSITY ALSO FOR A CHANGE OF LEGAL SYSTEM AND POLITICAL SYSTEM OF THE TIMES STANISŁAW AUGUST REIGN (1764-1795)Summary Wincenty Skrzetuski, in his work The Political Law of the Polish Nation, when discussing the issue of the functioning of the political system of he gentry Republic, presented a liberum veto, a short draft which he considered one of the most disastrous mechanisms of the abuse of citizen-ship freedom for Poland. Polish piarist made interesting historical digressions which showed some of the weak points of the solutions functioning in the parliamentary practice of the First Republic of Poland. Wincenty Skrzetuski, discussing a procedure of parliamentary sessions, ammended in the period of Stanisław August, did not always clearly emphasise the solutions aiming at simplification and acceleration of the course of the parliamentary sessions. It needs to be emphasized that describing the problem of parliamentary clearances, he referred to disastrous parliamentary practices and was in line with some drafters of the reforms in the gentry Republic of Poland who demanded radical changes in the clearance procedure or even its total abolishment. The opinions and viewpoints presented by Skrzetuski allow for ascribing him to the group of the continuators of the work by Stanisław Konarski. Wincenty Skrzetuski’s attitudes to law and critical of the legal system of his times, he postulated abolition of severe penalties in favour of creating conditions ascertaining that a punishment is truly carried out. This Piarist scholar followed the Renaissance views that laws should be written in a concise, clear and comprehensive language, and be free from any contradictions. Skrzetuski in your “Speeches on the main political matters” postulated an urgent and unconditional abolition of torture. Many of his arguments related almost directly to Cesare Beccaria’s “On crimes and punishments” or derived from the thoughts of eminent thinkers like Montesquieu and Rousseau.


LingVaria ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Mańczak-Wohlfeld

Language Policy in Poland in the Context of the Impact of English on Polish The paper examines the way and the extent to which language policies have affected the development of the Polish language. However, the purpose of the present paper is to highlight the change in attitude towards the increasing impact of English on Polish. The influence of English became more prominent in Poland after the change in the political system in 1989, and has for the most part been in the area of lexical borrowings. However, the influence of English is not only restricted to the inflow of English loanwords, but also extends to their relatively high frequency of usage. In addition, there is evidence of other types of influence that are non-lexical. However, the impact of English on Polish has not been as extensive as is claimed by some Polish linguists who since the early 1990s have lamented over the decline of the Polish language caused by the ”flood” of British and American English borrowings. Indeed, the status of English as a lingua franca was considered itself to be a threat to Polish, with even the possibility of the extinction of the tongue. This concern about language purity led to the creation of the Polish Language Council in 1996, whose aim has been to advise on and describe (rather than prescribe) linguistic behaviours among Polish language users. This legislative body was behind the Polish Language Act passed in 1999. Its purpose, however, has been to protect Polish rather than to purify it and to minimize the foreign influences (which mainly refer to English) rather than to eradicate them. Since the beginning of the 21st century, the Polish linguists’ attitude towards the ”Anglicization” of the Polish language has changed dramatically and it is now believed that the influence of English makes Polish richer and more globalized.


Author(s):  
Mohammad Ghorban Kiani

This paper aims at studying the role of Ardalan’s dynasty in the political system of Iran. Going through a brief overview of the political situation of Kurdistan during Ardalan supremacy, this study is primary focused on describing Ardalan’s situation in political structure of Iran. Similar with governors in other parts of Iran, Ardalan authorities were considered as the political elites of Iran and possessed a special and unique political status among the states of Iran from Safavid to Qajar periods. Also, they were always, or at least most of the times, were among the topmost states of Iran attained the high authority and power. Ardalans had always benefited from the most prominent epithets and titles including Sultan, Khan, Baig, governer, and Biglar Baigy and they ruled their kingdom in much of the historical period covered in this study. Since Ardalans were the ruler of Kurdistan region before the Safavid dynasty, both Safavid and Qajar kings maintained them as rulers over their inherited and inborn region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 114-125
Author(s):  
Ádám Nyerges

The subject of the present study is an examination of the activities of two governments with a two-thirds parliamentary majority. For the past 10 years, it has been these governments with two closed cycles of government that have had the authority to structurally transform the Hungarian political system without the involvement of the opposition. The study will also present the measures taken over the first hundred days, as well as, to a lesser extent, the political environment of each government and the predestined goals. The summary also highlights some similarities and differences in the speed and quality of government work and its decision-making, which requires a qualified majority.


Author(s):  
E. Dabagyan

The article is an attempt to summarize the results of Hugo Chávez's ten year rule in Venezuela. There has been a comprehensive reorganization of the political system institutional foundations. The new constitution has been approved, which proclaimed the country a Bolivarian Republic in honor of the great Latin American liberation hero. The unicameral National Assembly has replaced the National Congress. The president can now be reelected without any restraints, his term of office has been prolonged from 5 to 6 years. Typical for the Chávez's course is the use of formally democratic mechanisms in order to ensure the authoritarian rule. Prosecution of opposition figures has become commonplace. The initially proclaimed intermediate political course has been dismissed, the new slogan is the construction of a “21st century socialism”.


1980 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Chamie

Although a great deal has been said and written about the religious groups in Lebanon, little reliable factual information exists about them. No doubt this is due to the nature of the Lebanese political system: Since obtaining independence Lebanon has preferred not to conduct a population census, owing to the fear that the results might strain the political formula by which it is governed. The last census of the Lebanese population, conducted in 1932 under the French Mandate, showed a total population of 793,246 with a Christian majority in the ratio of 6 to 5. This has been the basis of the political formula for assigning political and administrative offices for nearly four decades (Salem, 1973, p. 20). The recent events in Lebanon have made it clear that non-observance or denial of religious similarities and differences by no means guarantees political stability. On the contrary, it is the author's belief that the recognition of differences as well as similarities among the religious groups is an essential ingredient to future political stability. The purpose of this paper, then, is to provide a descriptive comparison of the major Lebanese religious groups along various demographic, social, and economic dimensions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-181
Author(s):  
Boris MANOV

The research is carried out through the prism of geopolitics and reveals the "logic" and the essence of „The Belt and Road Initiative“. It outlines its basic ideas and goals. The study justifies and proves the (hypo)thesis that despite the apparent "leadership" of the economic events, the political and geopolitical aspects (vectors) of the project are linked to the economy. The economy does not function on its own way, but is formulated, supported by policy and used for political purposes, i.e., the project in its deep essence is political. The political nature of „The Belt and Road Initiative“ is expressed in the following: it is an attempt to find in internal policy a mechanism to preserve the political power of the Communist Party and to continue the existence of the dominant political system - the totalitarian (one-party) political system in the PRC. The geopolitical task is to find the „place“ of modern China in the global world. The goal is to restore the central ("middle") location of China in the 21st century world. „The Silk Road“ is one of the directions for its realization and the means for its achievement are complex - the „most obvious“ are the actions in the economic sphere, but equally important are the military, diplomatic, cultural factors and impacts. In conclusion, it is argued that „The Belt and Road Initiative“ will be realized as an optimal, reasonable balancebetween the „desired“ and the „possible“ and will be specified in the adoption of the formula „Great Eurasia“, i.e., in the transformation of China into a regional (regional-global, global-regional) center, the „middle empire“ of the Eurasian super-continent, the largest and most powerful geopolitical and geo-economic power center in the future „multipolar“ or more likely „bipolar“ („West-Sea“ - „East-Еarth“) world from the middle and the end of the 21st century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-27
Author(s):  
G. L. Montiel

There exist different elements that contribute to the idea of the political system as such in the context of the Mexican experience, but also that serve as referents that characterize the recent past. For that reason, we present a scheme of analysis – with political trends that are being built and that differentiate the new Mexican political system compared to that of the 20th century. Based on a model of the political system as the methodology of the analysis, we will track the trends of the changing Mexican politics during the 21st century. The destruction of the institutions of the old political system is associated with a long process of political struggle, which has provided for the creation of new institutions, but in very specific political spaces. The article traces the changes in the political system of Mexico in the 21st century in its various spheres and manifestations: public authority, party system, electoral complex, civil society, the process of democratization. We consider the evolution of the three branches of government and analyze their current balance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 110
Author(s):  
Mamychev Alexey Yurievich ◽  
Kim Alexander ◽  
Dremliuga Roman Igorevich ◽  
Surzhik Mariia ◽  
Zheng Fuxue

Socio-political problems are discussed in this article connected with the provision of socio-cultural integrity of the society in modern time of mass digitalization and introduction of the automatic and algorithmic systems. In the content of this article digitalization is considered as a global socio-political project, oriented for substitution traditional bases of identification and organization communities. This project is considered from critical position and is based, that its necessary state – oriented policy, directed for conservation and reproduction the historical memory, socio-cultural dominant of the development the society and also metapolitical and meta-legal foundation for sustainability of the political – legal organization in the 21st century. The authors speak about the thesis about further convergence of the digital and cultural trends of transformations of socio-political system, when processes of digitalization will acquire more and more socio-cultural particularity of the development.


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