scholarly journals Social– Political Integrity in the 21st Century: Threats and Risks of the Digitalization

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 110
Author(s):  
Mamychev Alexey Yurievich ◽  
Kim Alexander ◽  
Dremliuga Roman Igorevich ◽  
Surzhik Mariia ◽  
Zheng Fuxue
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
Political System ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern Time ◽  
Critical Position ◽  
Cultural Integrity ◽  
Legal Foundation ◽  
Political Integrity ◽  
Political Project

Socio-political problems are discussed in this article connected with the provision of socio-cultural integrity of the society in modern time of mass digitalization and introduction of the automatic and algorithmic systems. In the content of this article digitalization is considered as a global socio-political project, oriented for substitution traditional bases of identification and organization communities. This project is considered from critical position and is based, that its necessary state – oriented policy, directed for conservation and reproduction the historical memory, socio-cultural dominant of the development the society and also metapolitical and meta-legal foundation for sustainability of the political – legal organization in the 21st century. The authors speak about the thesis about further convergence of the digital and cultural trends of transformations of socio-political system, when processes of digitalization will acquire more and more socio-cultural particularity of the development.

scholarly journals El peso del Archivo: Notables daños de no guardar a los indios sus fueros (1571) del Licenciado Polo de Ondegardo

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (9) ◽  
pp. 575-599
Author(s):  
Oscar Martin Aguierrez
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Economic Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Know How ◽  
Public Square ◽  
Geographic Space ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Project

The notion of Archive is central to know how the colonial logic marks the ways of appropriating America. The Archive is the beginning and the mandate (Derrida, 1997). It organizes, orders and institutes what the gods and men command. It imposes a dynamic in which the texts delimites a readers communities and excludes others comunities. In this articule, Notables daños de no guardar a los indios sus fueros (1571) of Polo of Ondegardo is presented catched into the networks of the Archive. This manuscript contributes to the consolidation of imperial policies introduced by Felipe II and delimits an inside and an outside of Archive. American nature and geographic space, the political system and the economic organization of the Incas, the past, the myth, all that enters into the Archive thanks to the writing. The writing becomes them in manipulable objects and it make them circulates like a secret. Meanwhile, on the outside of Archive, the bodies suffer the violence of a pacification political project that finishes with the death of Tupac Amaru I in the public square of Lima.

scholarly journals THE PROBLEM OF BURIAL ORGANIZATION AND HONORING THE MEMORY OF UNR SOLDIERS IN POLAND IN 1989–2005

2021 ◽  
pp. 16-21
Author(s):  
Drozd R.
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
National Minority ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Authorities ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
National Life

After 1989, the change of the political system in Poland from a totalitarian to a democratic one allowed the Ukrainian national minority in Poland to develop its own national life. In addition to cultural and political activities, people became interested in their own history, and the process of reviving their own historical memory began. One of its elements was the problem of honoring the memory of people important to the Ukrainian nation who were buried in what is now Poland. Among the burials were the graves of UPR soldiers who found themselves in Poland and died as a result of the Polish-Bolshevik war of 1920. Under the Polish People’s Republic, their graves were both intentionally and unintentionally abandoned, and the then authorities did not agree to restore them. Such an opportunity arose only after 1989, but even here the Ukrainian community met with resistance from some representatives of central and local authorities. However, several cemeteries and buildings dedicated to UPR soldiers, Poland’s allies in the war with Bolshevik Russia, were tidied up and renovated.Key words: Poland, Ukraine, UPR, Ukrainian military cemeteries, commemoration. Після 1989 р. зміна політичної системи в Польщі з тоталітарної на демократичну дозволила українській національній меншині в Польщі розвивати власне національне життя. Крім культурної та політичної діяльності, люди зацікавилися власною історією, розпочався процес відродження власної історичної пам’яті. Одним з її елементів була проблема вшанування пам’яті людей, важливих для української нації, котрі були поховані на території нинішньої Польщі. Серед поховань були могили воїнів УНР, котрі опинилися у Польщі в результаті польсько-більшовицької війни 1920 року та померли у Польській Народній Республіці. Згодом їхні могили були як навмисно, так і ненавмисно занедбані, а тодішня влада не погодилася на їх відновлення. Така можливість виникла лише після 1989 року, але і тут українська громада зустріла опір з боку деяких представників центральної та місцевої влади. Тим не менше, кілька кладовищ та будівель, присвячених воїнам УНР, союзникам Польщі у війні з більшовицькою Росією, були впорядковані та оновлені.Ключові слова: Польща, Україна, УНР, українські військові кладовища, вшанування пам’яті.

scholarly journals Polityka językowa w Polsce a wpływ języka angielskiego na polszczyznę

LingVaria ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Mańczak-Wohlfeld
Keyword(s):  
Language Policy ◽  
21St Century ◽  
High Frequency ◽  
Political System ◽  
American English ◽  
The Political ◽  
Language Policies ◽  
The Status ◽  
Polish Language ◽  
The Impact

Language Policy in Poland in the Context of the Impact of English on Polish The paper examines the way and the extent to which language policies have affected the development of the Polish language. However, the purpose of the present paper is to highlight the change in attitude towards the increasing impact of English on Polish. The influence of English became more prominent in Poland after the change in the political system in 1989, and has for the most part been in the area of lexical borrowings. However, the influence of English is not only restricted to the inflow of English loanwords, but also extends to their relatively high frequency of usage. In addition, there is evidence of other types of influence that are non-lexical. However, the impact of English on Polish has not been as extensive as is claimed by some Polish linguists who since the early 1990s have lamented over the decline of the Polish language caused by the ”flood” of British and American English borrowings. Indeed, the status of English as a lingua franca was considered itself to be a threat to Polish, with even the possibility of the extinction of the tongue. This concern about language purity led to the creation of the Polish Language Council in 1996, whose aim has been to advise on and describe (rather than prescribe) linguistic behaviours among Polish language users. This legislative body was behind the Polish Language Act passed in 1999. Its purpose, however, has been to protect Polish rather than to purify it and to minimize the foreign influences (which mainly refer to English) rather than to eradicate them. Since the beginning of the 21st century, the Polish linguists’ attitude towards the ”Anglicization” of the Polish language has changed dramatically and it is now believed that the influence of English makes Polish richer and more globalized.

Where Venezuela Goes?

2010 ◽  
pp. 81-92
Author(s):  
E. Dabagyan
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Institutional Foundations

The article is an attempt to summarize the results of Hugo Chávez's ten year rule in Venezuela. There has been a comprehensive reorganization of the political system institutional foundations. The new constitution has been approved, which proclaimed the country a Bolivarian Republic in honor of the great Latin American liberation hero. The unicameral National Assembly has replaced the National Congress. The president can now be reelected without any restraints, his term of office has been prolonged from 5 to 6 years. Typical for the Chávez's course is the use of formally democratic mechanisms in order to ensure the authoritarian rule. Prosecution of opposition figures has become commonplace. The initially proclaimed intermediate political course has been dismissed, the new slogan is the construction of a “21st century socialism”.

scholarly journals Remembering and Forgetting the Last War: Discursive Memory of the Sino-Vietnamese War in China and Vietnam

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Qingfei Yin ◽  
Kosal Path
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Political System ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
The Political ◽  
40Th Anniversary ◽  
Thin Line ◽  
External Threats ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Popular Memory

Abstract The year 2019 marked the 40th anniversary of the outbreak of the Sino-Vietnamese War in 1979. Making use of published and unpublished Chinese, Vietnamese, and English sources, this article traces the tensions between official and popular memories of the Sino-Vietnamese War of 1979 in China and Vietnam, respectively. We argue that these tensions existed because the development of the official Chinese and Vietnamese memories of the war largely mirrored each other. Between 1991 and roughly 2006, when bilateral relations between the countries improved, both Beijing and Hanoi claimed victory for their side while simultaneously downplaying the bloodshed, tragedy, and loss experienced during the war. However, they have reacted to the rise of popular memories since the early 2000s in very different ways. While Beijing walks a thin line between accommodating appeals for greater recognition of the sacrifices made by ordinary soldiers without provoking social discontent with the political system, Hanoi has been more successful in mobilising Vietnamese popular memory of the war to strike a measured nationalistic response to China. How China and Vietnam remember and downplay the Sino-Vietnamese War points to the bigger picture of the sensitivity of bilateral relations to historical memory in Asia. In particular, historical memory shapes how a country perceives external threats and opportunities, while historical memory is created, suppressed, and re-created as international relations evolve.

scholarly journals „THE SILK ROAD“, ТHE EURASIAN PROJECT AND „GREAT EURASIA“ (GEOPOLITICAL READING)

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-181
Author(s):  
Boris MANOV
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
Political System ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
Modern China ◽  
The Political ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
Power Center ◽  
The Belt And Road ◽  
The Silk Road

The research is carried out through the prism of geopolitics and reveals the "logic" and the essence of „The Belt and Road Initiative“. It outlines its basic ideas and goals. The study justifies and proves the (hypo)thesis that despite the apparent "leadership" of the economic events, the political and geopolitical aspects (vectors) of the project are linked to the economy. The economy does not function on its own way, but is formulated, supported by policy and used for political purposes, i.e., the project in its deep essence is political. The political nature of „The Belt and Road Initiative“ is expressed in the following: it is an attempt to find in internal policy a mechanism to preserve the political power of the Communist Party and to continue the existence of the dominant political system - the totalitarian (one-party) political system in the PRC. The geopolitical task is to find the „place“ of modern China in the global world. The goal is to restore the central ("middle") location of China in the 21st century world. „The Silk Road“ is one of the directions for its realization and the means for its achievement are complex - the „most obvious“ are the actions in the economic sphere, but equally important are the military, diplomatic, cultural factors and impacts. In conclusion, it is argued that „The Belt and Road Initiative“ will be realized as an optimal, reasonable balancebetween the „desired“ and the „possible“ and will be specified in the adoption of the formula „Great Eurasia“, i.e., in the transformation of China into a regional (regional-global, global-regional) center, the „middle empire“ of the Eurasian super-continent, the largest and most powerful geopolitical and geo-economic power center in the future „multipolar“ or more likely „bipolar“ („West-Sea“ - „East-Еarth“) world from the middle and the end of the 21st century.

scholarly journals The new Mexican political system: reconfiguration of capacities and power

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-27
Author(s):  
G. L. Montiel
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Recent Past ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
New Mexican ◽  
System Reconfiguration ◽  
New Institutions ◽  
Mexican Politics

There exist different elements that contribute to the idea of the political system as such in the context of the Mexican experience, but also that serve as referents that characterize the recent past. For that reason, we present a scheme of analysis – with political trends that are being built and that differentiate the new Mexican political system compared to that of the 20th century. Based on a model of the political system as the methodology of the analysis, we will track the trends of the changing Mexican politics during the 21st century. The destruction of the institutions of the old political system is associated with a long process of political struggle, which has provided for the creation of new institutions, but in very specific political spaces. The article traces the changes in the political system of Mexico in the 21st century in its various spheres and manifestations: public authority, party system, electoral complex, civil society, the process of democratization. We consider the evolution of the three branches of government and analyze their current balance.

scholarly journals The regions of Volga Federal District: Ethnic identity as a political project

2010 ◽  
pp. 53-63
Author(s):  
Alexander Kornilov ◽  
Ilya Ryabkov
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
National Security ◽  
Political System ◽  
Federal District ◽  
The Political ◽  
Strong Connection ◽  
Unsuccessful Attempt ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Political Project

The author makes an attempt to analyze the methods and mechanisms of the actualization of ethnic identity in the regions of Volga Federal District. The working hypothesis is the thesis that a big political project is necessary for a successful actualization of ethnic identity. Three examples are used as the argument - successful use of ethnic identity in Tatarstan, the unsuccessful attempt to actualize the ethnic identity of the Bashkirs, and the long-term Finno-Ugric project, which is oriented to the future. The main conclusion of the paper is that a strong connection exists between the process of actualization of ethnic identity in the regions of Volga Federal District and questions of national security. Any attempt to use ethnic identity for political aims brings threat to the political system of the Russian Federation.

Od krytyki demokracji parlamentarnej do pochwały dyktatury. Niemiecka myśl nacjonalistyczna 1918–1933

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 71-92
Author(s):  
Marek Maciejewski
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
World War ◽  
Nazi Regime ◽  
Adolf Hitler ◽  
World War One ◽  
Critical Position ◽  
Napoleon Bonaparte

The article deals with the question of the formation – since the end of World War One until the emergence of the Nazi regime – of various conceptions of the political system in influential and widespread intellectual circles of the so-called revolutionary conservatives who represented nationalist, anti-liberal and anti-parliamentarian views. This political ideology adopted a clearly critical position regarding political, constitutional and legal solutions adopted in the Reich after the fall of the Hohenzollern empire in 1918. Criticizing parliamentary democracy, though not necessarily democracy as such, revolutionary conservatives announced the need to establish a system of dictatorial leadership in Germany, modeled after the rule of Napoleon Bonaparte, oftentimes seeing the then President of the Reich, Paul von Hindenburg, as a suitable person for this role (they rather sporadically perceived Adolf Hitler in this way). Some of them not only approved of an authoritarian model of government understood as an opposition towards the so-called Weimar system, but also accepted the principles of totalitarianism (e.g., C. Schmitt, E. Jünger, E. Niekisch). Since 1933, the Nazis partly adopted the anti-liberal, anti-parliamentarian and authoritarian conceptions of revolutionary conservatives, reaching for – among others – Carl Schmitt’s theory of decisionism or Ernst Jünger’s idea of the total mobilization of the nation.

scholarly journals ON THE ROLE OF WOMAN PERSONALITY IN THE ECONOM-IC HISTORY OF RUSSIA IN EARLY MODERN TIME (MARFA BORETSKAYA)

2020 ◽  
pp. 50-64
Author(s):  
Наталья Львовна Пушкарёва
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Economic History ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern Time ◽  
Economic Significance ◽  
Economic Weight ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Figure

В статье проанализирована роль известной политической фигуры - вдовы посадника Исака Борецкого, знаменитой Марфы Борецкой - в экономической истории Новгорода в последний период его самостоятельности. Благодаря скрупулезным подсчётам владений и получаемого с них дохода доказано, что Марфа Борецкая была крупнейшей собственницей земельных богатств своего времени, не сравнимой ни с одной женщиной не только в Новгороде, но и в Москве. Статья оспаривает ранее сложившееся мнение в историографии о том, что экономическое значение приобретений Марфы Борецкой в годы её вдовства не играло заметной роли и не оказывало влияния на политическую составляющую отношений Новгорода и Москвы. Напротив, считает автор, хозяйствование Марфы Борецкой доказывает её исключительную деловую сметку и удачливость, быстрое богатение её самой и её детей, что объективно способствовало росту могущества всей Новгородчины. Именно экономический вес этой собственницы объясняет исключительную роль, которую она пыталась на себя взять, спасая устойчивую новгородскую политическую систему. The article analyzes the role of a famous political figure - the widow of the mayor Isak Boretsky, the famous Martha Boretskaya - in the economic history of Novgorod in the last period of its independence. Thanks to scrupulous calculations of the properties and the income received from them, it has been proved that Martha Boretskaya was the largest owner of land wealth of her time, incomparable with any woman not only in Novgorod, but also in Moscow. The article disputes the earlier opinion in historiography that the economic significance of the acquisitions of Marfa Boretskaya during the years of her widowhood did not play a noticeable role and did not affect the political component of relations between Novgorod and Moscow. On the contrary, the author believes, the management of Martha Boretskaya proves her exceptional economic savvy and luck, the rapid wealth of herself and her children, which objectively contributed to the growth of the power of the entire Novgorod region. It is the economic weight of this owner that explains the exceptional role that she tried to take upon herself, saving the stable Novgorod political system.

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