scholarly journals Polityka językowa w Polsce a wpływ języka angielskiego na polszczyznę

LingVaria ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Mańczak-Wohlfeld
Keyword(s):  
Language Policy ◽  
21St Century ◽  
High Frequency ◽  
Political System ◽  
American English ◽  
The Political ◽  
Language Policies ◽  
The Status ◽  
Polish Language ◽  
The Impact

Language Policy in Poland in the Context of the Impact of English on Polish The paper examines the way and the extent to which language policies have affected the development of the Polish language. However, the purpose of the present paper is to highlight the change in attitude towards the increasing impact of English on Polish. The influence of English became more prominent in Poland after the change in the political system in 1989, and has for the most part been in the area of lexical borrowings. However, the influence of English is not only restricted to the inflow of English loanwords, but also extends to their relatively high frequency of usage. In addition, there is evidence of other types of influence that are non-lexical. However, the impact of English on Polish has not been as extensive as is claimed by some Polish linguists who since the early 1990s have lamented over the decline of the Polish language caused by the ”flood” of British and American English borrowings. Indeed, the status of English as a lingua franca was considered itself to be a threat to Polish, with even the possibility of the extinction of the tongue. This concern about language purity led to the creation of the Polish Language Council in 1996, whose aim has been to advise on and describe (rather than prescribe) linguistic behaviours among Polish language users. This legislative body was behind the Polish Language Act passed in 1999. Its purpose, however, has been to protect Polish rather than to purify it and to minimize the foreign influences (which mainly refer to English) rather than to eradicate them. Since the beginning of the 21st century, the Polish linguists’ attitude towards the ”Anglicization” of the Polish language has changed dramatically and it is now believed that the influence of English makes Polish richer and more globalized.

Social Imperialism and Wilhelmine Germany

1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian L. D. Forbes
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democrat ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Interpretive Scheme

In recent times the historiography of the Wilhelmine Reich has clearly reflected the influence of Eckart Kehr and of later historians who have adopted and developed his work. The Rankean dogma of the Primat der Aussenpolitik (primacy of foreign policy) has been replaced by a new slogan, Primat der Innenpolitik (primacy of domestic policy). The resultant interpretive scheme is by now quite familiar. The social structure of the Bismarckean Reich, it is said, was shaken to its foundations by the impact of industrialization. A growing class of industrialists sought to break the power of the feudal agrarian class, and a rapidly developing proletariat threatened to upset the status quo. The internecine struggle between industrialists and agrarians was dangerous for both and for the state, since the final beneficiary might be the proletariat. Consequently agrarians and industrialists closed their ranks against the common social democrat enemy and sought to tame the proletariat, which had grown restive under the impact of the depression, by means of a Weltpolitik which would obviate the effects of the depression, heal the economy, and vindicate the political system responsible for such impressive achievements. Hans-Ulrich Wehler and others call this diversionary strategy against the proletarian threat social imperialism; and this, it is said, is the domestic policy primarily responsible for Wilhelmine imperialism.

Language Policy in South Asia

1981 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 60-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Braj B. Kachru
Keyword(s):  
Language Policy ◽  
South Asia ◽  
Liberal Arts ◽  
National Language ◽  
Basic Knowledge ◽  
Literary Texts ◽  
The Political ◽  
Language Policies ◽  
The Status ◽  
Regional Languages

In the political divisions within South Asia there has traditionally been no organized effort for language policies.1 Language was essentially related to one's caste, village, district, and state. Beyond this, one identified with languages associated with religion (Sanskrit or Arabic), or learned and literary texts (mainly Sanskrit and Persian). At the time of Indian independence (1947), one task of the new government was to unravel the status and position of almost 560 sovereign states which were ruled by an array of mahārājās, nawābs, and lesser luminaries, depending on the size and the revenue of each state and subdivision. Each state state was a kindgom unto itself, and such political divisions did not foster a national language policy. In India, the largest country in South Asia, four languages were used for wider communication as bazār languages or languages of literature and intranational communication: Hindi (and its varieties, Hindustani and Urdu), Sanskrit, Persian, and later, English (cf., for Sanskrit, Kachru and Sridhar 1978; Sharma 1976; for English, Kachru 1969; 1982a). The Hindus tended to send their children to a pāṭhśālā (traditional Hindu school mainly for scriptural education) for the study of the scriptures and some basic knowledge of the śāastras (Sanskrit instructional texts, treatise), and the Muslims tended to send their children to a maktab (traditional school for Koranic instruction). The denominational schools (vidyāZaya) provided liberal arts instruction in Sanskrit, Persian, Hindi, Arabic, or in the regional languages.

scholarly journals Krytyka prób emancypacji śląszczyzny. Płaszczyzna prawno-ustrojowa, społeczno-polityczna i personalna

2019 ◽  
Vol 169 ◽  
pp. 137-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henryk Jaroszewicz
Keyword(s):  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Research Methodologies ◽  
Regional Language ◽  
The Status ◽  
Polish Language

The emancipation of the Silesian ethnolect in critical discourse: The legal and political plane, the socio-political plane and the personal oneAt the beginning of the 21st century, there were some attempts at making the Silesian ethnolect an independent variety and at elevating its status to the status of a regional language. Those attempts are part of greater linguistic emancipation processes occurring in present-day Europe. Despite the numerous attempts, the Silesian ethnolect still has the status of a dialect and therefore it is still deemed to be part of the Polish language. The failure of those emancipation attempts results from the opposition of the Polish national authorities, the political elites and the most influential scholarly circles. Questioning the attempts at making the Silesian language independent occurs on the legal and political plane, the socio-political plane, the scientific linguistic plane as well as on a personal one. The independent Silesian language is viewed as a threat to the Polish state and national unity. Additionally, it is also thought that its functioning could lead to the outburst of social conflicts in the country. Finally, the emancipation processes are repudiated because, as it is sometimes maintained, they are forced through by totally incompetent people. A detailed analysis of the argumentation shows that there are no objective, scientific foundations for questioning the attempts at elevating the status of the Silesian ethnolect to that of a regional language. The arguments put forward on the legal and political, socio-political and personal planes are, in the majority, easy to invalidate. They are based on scientifically unverifiable, ideologised foundations or on old-fashioned research methodologies. It seems that the emancipation of the Silesian ethnolect will be possible, provided that there is a proper political atmosphere in the country and provided that the Silesian people themselves systematically act for the benefit of elevating their speech to the status of a regional language.  Kritika pokušaja osamostaljenja šleskog jezičkog varijeteta. Pravno-ustavni, društveno-politički i personalni nivoPokušaji osamostaljenja šleskog jezičkog varijeteta preduzimani na početku XX vijeka, kao i zvaničnog promovisanja ovog koda u rang regionalnog jezika su dio širih jezičkih emancipacionih procesa koji se održavaju u savremenoj Evropi. Iako se u posljednjim godinama mnogo puta probalo podići šleski jezički varijetet u rang samostalnog jezika on i dalje zvanično funkcioniše kao dijalekat poljskog jezika. Neuspeh emancipacionih pokušaja u ovom slučaju proizlazi iz činjenice da se samostalnosti šleskog varijeteta protive kako poljska vlada, političke elite, tako i najuticajniji poljski naučni krugovi. Smisao postojanja samostalnog šleskog jezičkog varijeteta osporava se pomoću pravno-ustavnih, društveno-političkih i personalnih argumenata. Funkcionisanje novog regionalnog jezika u okviru poljske države smatra se opasnim po državno i nacionalno jedinstvo Poljske. Tvrdi se takođe da osamostaljenje šleskog jezika može dovesti do izbijanja nacionalno-društvenih konflikata u državi. Naposljetku, emancipacioni procesi vezani uz šleski varijetet osporavaju se zbog toga što su njegovi glavni ideolozi navodno diletanti i nestručnjaci. Detaljna analiza kritičkog diskursa dovodi, ipak, do zaključka da ne postoje stručni, lingvistički argumenti koji bi neosporno dokazivali pogrešnost ideje samostalnog, šleskog regionalnog jezika. Predstavljeni argumenti zasnivaju se najčešće na zastarjelim istraživačkim metodologijama ili su opterećeni određenim političko-ideološkim uticajima. Samostalni šleski jezik je ideja koja se može u budućnosti ostvariti — sve, ipak, zavisi od političkih prilika u državi i od toga da li će Šlezijci i dalje istrajati u odluci da se šleski jezički varijetet podigne u rang samostalnog jezika.

Referendum konstytucyjne we Włoszech. Jak głosowanie ludowe wpływa na system polityczny państwa?

2017 ◽  
pp. 110-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kużelewska
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

This article analyses the impact of constitutional referendums on the political system in Italy. There were three constitutional referendums conducted in 2001, 2006 and 2016. All of them have been organised by the ruling parties, however, only the first one was successful. In the subsequent referendums, the proposals for amending the constitution have been rejected by voters. The article finds that lack of public support for the government resulted in voting „no” in the referendum.

Back to the Westminster model? The Brexit process and the UK political system

2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212096737
Author(s):  
Gianfranco Baldini ◽  
Edoardo Bressanelli ◽  
Emanuele Massetti
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Westminster Model ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Quantitative Indicators ◽  
The Impact

This article investigates the impact of Brexit on the British political system. By critically engaging with the conceptualisation of the Westminster model proposed by Arend Lijphart, it analyses the strains of Brexit on three dimensions developed from from Lijphart’s framework: elections and the party system, executive– legislative dynamics and the relationship between central and devolved administrations. Supplementing quantitative indicators with an in-depth qualitative analysis, the article shows that the process of Brexit has ultimately reaffirmed, with some important caveats, key features of the Westminster model: the resilience of the two-party system, executive dominance over Parliament and the unitary character of the political system. Inheriting a context marked by the progressive weakening of key majoritarian features of the political system, the Brexit process has brought back some of the traditional executive power-hoarding dynamics. Yet, this prevailing trend has created strains and resistances that keep the political process open to different developments.

scholarly journals Bodily abjection and the politics of resistance in Tom Paulin’s Greek tragedies

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabelle Torrance
Keyword(s):  
Open Channel ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
The Status ◽  
Politics Of Resistance ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Political Actions

Abstract Tom Paulin’s Greek tragedies present extremes of bodily abjection in order to service of a politics of resistance that is tied, in each case, to the political context of the drama’s production. The Riot Act (1984), Seize the Fire (1989), and Medea (2010), share a focus on the degradation of oppressed political groups and feature characters who destabilize the status quo. Yet the impact of disruptive political actions is not ultimately made clear. We are left wondering at the conclusion of each tragedy if the momentous acts of defiance we have witnessed have any power to create systemic change within politically rigged systems. The two 1980s plays are discussed together and form a sequence, with The Riot Act overtly addressing the Northern Irish conflict and Seize the Fire encompassing a broader sweep of oppressive regimes. The politics of discrimination in Medea are illuminated by comparison with similar themes in Paulin’s Love’s Bonfire (2010). Unlike other Northern Irish adaptations of Greek tragedy, Paulin’s dramas, arrested in their political moments, present little hope for the immediate future. Yet in asking us to consider if individual sacrifice is enough to achieve radical change they maintain an open channel for political discourse.

What Changes for the Constitutional Court with the New Russian Constitution?

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-49
Author(s):  
Ivan S. Grigoriev
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Institutional Development ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Locus Standi ◽  
The Status ◽  
Russian Constitution ◽  
International Obligations

Abstract Of the 206 amendments introduced to the Russian constitution and adopted on July 1, 2020, 24 deal directly with the Constitutional Court, its organization, functioning, and the role it plays in the political system. Compared to many other, these are also rather precise and detailed, ranging from the number of judges on the bench, their nomination and dismissal, to the Court’s inner procedures, new locus standi limitations, and the primacy of the Constitution over Russia’s international obligations. Most changes only reproduce amendments brought to the secondary legislation over the last twenty years, and are therefore meant to preserve the status quo rather than change anything significantly. At the same time, a number of amendments aim at politicizing and instrumentalizing the Court for the president’s benefit, marking a significant departure from the previous institutional development.

International processes in Latin America: the legacy of the Comintern and new challenges

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-125
Author(s):  
Anton Andreev ◽  
◽  
Daria Pravdiuk
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Third ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
History Of ◽  
New Challenges ◽  
The Impact

The activities of the Third (Communist) International left a noticeable mark on the political history of Latin America. His ideological, organizational legacy remains a factor in shaping the theory and practice of contemporary leftist governments in the region. This article examines the impact of the legacy of the Comintern on international processes in Latin America, the development of integration projects, foreign policy projects of the left forces of the region. On the basis of archival documents, media materials, documents of parties and governments, the authors show which of the foreign policy guidelines of the Comintern are relevant for the region in the 21st century.

Silvio Berlusconi and the Italian presidency: accordions, triangles and constitutional change

Modern Italy ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Furlong
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Status ◽  
Long Term Impact ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Silvio Berlusconi

This article considers the changed role of the Italian presidency and the impact and legacy of Silvio Berlusconi on this. After consideration of some of the methodological difficulties raised by these issues, the article looks at the role of the presidency up to 1992, when the presidency was interpreted in narrow terms set by the framers of the 1948 constitution and by the predominance of the party leaders of the period over the political direction of the State. The article considers how presidents from Sandro Pertini (1978–85) on, sought in different ways to expand the political role of their office. The article analyses the different ways that Oscar Luigi Scalfaro, Carlo Azeglio Ciampi and Giorgio Napolitano used their formal and informal powers both to maintain the status of the office and to promote political goals, and concludes with an assessment of the likely long-term impact of these changes and of Berlusconi's role in them.

Latin America’s Socioeconomic Relationship With China: Is Development Still Possible?

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enrique Dussel Peters
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
21St Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Foreign Direct Investments ◽  
Infrastructure Projects ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
Trade Financing ◽  
Triangular Relationships ◽  
The Impact

The socioeconomic and political relationship between Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) with China has become increasingly significant for both since the beginning of the 21st century. This article analyzes proposals by the United States and China in their bilateral relationship and the political effects of their increasing tensions on LAC. Consistent with the proposed framework of analysis of the socioeconomic LAC–China relationship—at least in terms of trade, financing, overseas foreign direct investments, and infrastructure projects—the article examines in detail these conditions, as well as providing an in-depth example of trade. The final part of the article discusses the important potential and challenges of China for LAC’s development and concludes that so far, and based on the in-depth analysis of the trade relationship, the LAC–China relation is closer to a core-periphery than to a South–South or win–win strategy. The document proposes to understand that the political economy within the United States, particularly of its private sector, have shifted substantially against China. In addition, the structure for analysis of the LAC-China relationship in the 21st century with a concrete structure of analysis in terns of trade, financing, Chinese overseas foreign direct investments (OFDI) and infrastructure projects. In light of current discussions, the analysis suggests for the inclusion of a group of new concepts –such as the “the new triangular relationships” and the “globalization process with Chinese characteristics” with a group of effects in LAC. The impact of the increasing China-United States tensions, from this perspective, generates massive challenges in LAC, independently of their diplomatic relationships to China.

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