scholarly journals „Wygrani” i „przegrani”. Analiza zmian poparcia uzyskanego przez radnych sejmików wojewódzkich kandydujących do parlamentu

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 37-58
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Dojwa-Turczyńska

Problematyka kreacji instytucjonalnych elit władzy jest zagadnieniem, które absorbowało i nadal absorbuje przedstawicieli nauk społecznych. Procesy rekrutacji i selekcji, zdobywania poparcia społecznego i oddolnej legitymacji zdają się interesować nie tylko świat ludzi nauki, praktyków sfery politycznej, lecz także obywateli — wyborców. W niniejszym artykule podjęto próbę udzielenia odpowiedzi na pytania dotyczące udziału radnych sejmików województw wybranych w 2014 r. w wyborach parlamentarnych kolejnego roku. Zastanawiano się nad kwestią samej skali aktywności radnych, problemami ich związania lub nie z poszczególnym blokiem politycznym i z określonym terytorium, wreszcie analizie poddano zmiany dotyczące uzyskanego przez nich poparcia wyborczego. “Winners” and “losers.” Analysis of changes in the support received by provincial assembly councillors running for parliamentThe issues of the creation of institutional elites of the authorities constitute a problem that absorbs representatives of social sciences to this day. The processes of recruitment and selection, gaining social support and bottom-up legitimization seem to absorb not only the world of academics and practitioners of the political sphere but also citizens-electors. In this paper, an attempt has been made to give answers to questions concerning the participation of provincial assembly councillors elected in 2014 in the parliamentary elections held the following year. The issue of the scale of councillors’ activity, problems of their connection or its lack with a specific political bloc and specific territory have been considered, while the rest of the analysis refers to changes regarding the electoral support they gained.

2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (5) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Oleg Aronson

The article is devoted to an analysis of the creative work of the Russian philosopher Valery Podoroga. It focuses on the special discipline he created, namely, “analytical anthropology”, and the book “Anthropograms”, in which Valery Podoroga sets out the basic principles and analytical tools of his philosophical work. Examining the books of the philosopher that preceded the creation of analytical anthropology and those that were written later, it is possible to single out two important lines of his research. First, the philosophy of literature and second, research in the field of the political. Podoroga’s understanding of literature is broader than that of a cultural practice or a social institution. For him, it is the space of the corporal experience of contact with the world, in which the affective aspect of thinking is realized. This line of analysis points to the “poetic” dimension of the experience of thinking, since the emphasis here is on what Jakobson called the “poetic function of language”, its orientation toward itself. It is precisely the literary aspect that becomes important when analyzing the texts of philosophers (Kierkegaard, Nietzsche, Heidegger); however, what is even more important is that in the very experience of fiction Podoroga is trying to find new means for philosophy. His “poetic line” is closely connected with the poetics of space (Bachelard) and the phenomenology of the body (Merleau-Ponty, Henry). It is the combination of poetics and phenomenology that allows Podoroga to overcome both the orientation of poetics exclusively toward language and the categorical apparatus of philosophy. The main result of Valery Podoroga’s work is the creation of an “anthropogram”, a special kind of scheme in which the action of the Work (a literary work, but not only) is immanent to the dynamics of the world. Is it possible to create such anthropograms outside the field of literature? Podoroga does not specify. The article attempts to show how Podoroga’s ways of working with literary texts correlate with his works dealing with the technologies of power and violence, transforming separate political and ethical terms into anthropograms, that is, forms of thought immanent to life itself.


Author(s):  
Bob Jessop

For both Marx and Gramsci, the separation between the economic and political spheres was a key feature of bourgeois societies. Marx saw the conflict between bourgeois and citoyen as requiring resistance to this separation as crucial to democratic emancipation and wrote that the Paris Commune realized this. He also saw social emancipation in terms of the expansion of free time rather than work time. Gramsci argued that civil society became more important in the 1870s as the masses gained the vote in political rights. They both argued that democracy could not be restricted to the political sphere but should also involve economic democracy. This is undermined by the expansion of the world market and survival of national states.


2020 ◽  
pp. 377-395
Author(s):  
Nora Moroney ◽  
Stephen O’Neill

This chapter examines the political and textual transformations of the Belfast Telegraph, the Irish News, and the Belfast News Letter in the twentieth century. It discusses the creation and expression of separate forms of national and editorial identities in regard to the northern Unionist-leaning Telegraph and News Letter, and the nationalist Irish News. All three would eventually be transformed by their reportage of the World War, and the later Troubles. Describing the enduring popularity of all three papers as platforms for political expressions across the spectrum of twentieth century Irish history and politics, it argues that their longevity speaks to the success of their readjustments during these tumultuous years. Drawing on archives in the National Library of Ireland and the Belfast Central Library, the chapter includes case studies focusing on how each paper reported the failure of the Boundary Commission in 1925, the Belfast Blitz in 1941, and the IRA Ceasefire in 1994.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Esther Marshall

<p><b>In the philosophy of childhood, conceptions about children and childhood are often understood to be contextually dependent on time and place. I explore and question contemporary conceptions about childhood and how these might be subject to change in the political sphere. Not only is there much vagueness inherent in the adult-child distinction, but many implied inaccuracies as well. Although these distinctions allow for the efficient structuring of social institutions, this comes at the cost of exacerbating the problems brought about by this vagueness and inaccurateness. I challenge the different enfranchisement status of children and adults, arguing that it is better to do away with age-based distinctions in politics. These distinctions are arbitrary and constitute ageism towards children. </b></p> <p>My approach is unique in applying a philosophy of childhood lens to children’s enfranchisement. Emerging ‘strengths-based’ conceptions about childhood that move away from ‘deficit’ conceptions allow for a more accurate representation of children and support a case for their political inclusion. This reconceptualisation of childhood involves a shift in focus away from what children lack relative to adults. Consistently with the strengths-based conception, broader understandings of competency allow us to see children’s perspectives and lack of habituation to the world as an asset, including in the political sphere.</p> <p>Age-based demarcations that prohibit children’s inclusion reinforce inaccurate, exaggerated and misleading stereotypes about children and adults alike. Actively challenging these stereotypes allows us to overcome these inaccurate understandings about children to see their political inclusion as justified. Practical concerns with children’s inclusion, including whether this would compromise the ‘goods of childhood’, are addressed and quelled. I also speculate on the possible implications of children’s enfranchisement in other domains. Challenging the adult-child distinction does not amount to an argument to do away with talk about ‘adults’ or ‘children’, but it does command a critical analysis of the implications associated with these terms. Ultimately, there are many avenues for political participation, of which voting is just one. Still, this paper provides a framework for establishing on what terms citizens are justifiably involved in political participation at all.</p>


AusArt ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-154
Author(s):  
Blanca Montalvo Gallego

Los mapas nos fascinan porque cuentan historias. Las corrientes bottom up facilitan la multiplicidad de narradores, y la creación de comunidades que fomentan el intercambio y reafirman la autoridad de los esfuerzos individuales al margen de la institución y las grandes compañías. Frente a los mapas que han definido el mundo durante décadas, ahora cada uno somos el centro de nuestros paisajes cartográficos: todas las distancias se miden desde el punto en el que nos encontramos, y a partir de ahí el todo se reorganiza y cambia de escala. Esta situación promueve un nuevo paisaje tecnológico, en ocasiones mediante la reivindicación de territorios o la visualización de datos, que hablan más del que mira que del objeto contemplado.Palabras clave: PAISAJE; LUGAR; MAPAS; ARTE; CARTOGRAFÍA Datascape: Amateur cartographers and digital communitiesAbstractThe maps tells us stories that fascinate us. The bottom up currents facilitate the existance of multiple narrators, and the creation of communities that foster exchanges and reaffirm the authority of individual efforts outside the institution and large companies. The maps have defined the world for decades, but now each of us are the center of our cartographic landscape: the distances are measured from the point where we are, and from there the whole reorganizes and changes of scale. This situation promotes a new technological landscap, sometimes by reclaiming territories or data visualization, speaking more of the beholder that the object contemplated.Keywords: LANDSCAPE; PLACE; MAPS; ART; CARTOGRAPHY


2020 ◽  
pp. 86-91
Author(s):  
Tri Nurza Rahmawati

Absract- This article will explain and describe the opportunities for Social Sciences subjects in realizing multicultural-based education. In compiling this article, the authors used the literature study method is data collection techniques are carried out using books, and other literatures such as journals or articles related to the theme discussed. The results showed that multicultural-based education is education that must be realized in formal education in Indonesia, departing from the conditions of people in Indonesia who have a diversity of ethnicities, cultures, and religions. Seeing all subjects in the world of education at the junior high level, Social Sciences subjects have a very strategic position. This is based on aspects of the study in the subject of Social Sciences providing a gap in almost every material. Thus, the availability of the gap is expected to be used as fully as possible and as effectively as possible in incorporating multicultural values, for the creation of multicultural-based education.   Keyword: Social Sciences, Education, Multicultural   Abstrak- Artikel ini akan menjelaskan dan mendeskripsikan Peluang mata pelajaran Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial (IPS) dalam mewujudkan pendidikan yang berbasis multikultural. Dalam menyusun artikel ini, penulis menggunakan metode studi pustaka yaitu teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan menggunakan buku-buku, dan literatur-literatur lainnya seperti jurnal ataupun artikel yang terkait dengan tema yang dibahas. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pendidikan berbasis multikultural merupakan pendidikan yang harus diwujudkan dalam pendidikan formal di Indonesia, berangkat dari kondisi masyarakat di Indonesia yang memiliki keragaman suku bangsa, budaya, dan agama. Melihat semua mata pelajaran dalam dunia pendidikan ditingkat SMP, mata pelajaran Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial memiliki kedudukan yang sangat strategis. Hal ini didasari aspek kajian dalam mata pelajaran Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial menyediakan celah hampir disetiap materi. Dengan demikian, ketersediaan celah tersebut diharapakan mampu digunakan semaksimal mungkin dan seefektif mungkin dalam memasukkan nilai-nilai multikultural, guna terciptanya pendidikan yang berbasis multikultural.   Kata Kunci: Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial, Pendidikan, Multikultural  


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-219
Author(s):  
Raluca Muşat

The interwar period was a time when the rural world gained new prominence in visions of modernity and modernisation across the world. The newly reconfigured countries of Eastern Europe played a key role in focusing attention on the countryside as an important area of state intervention. This coincided with a greater involvement of the social sciences in debates and in projects of development and modernisation, both nationally and internationally. This article examines the contribution of the Bucharest School of Sociology to the creation of an idea of ‘the global countryside’ that emerged in the interwar years and only matured in the post-war period.


2018 ◽  
pp. 223-242
Author(s):  
Umberto Tulli

The chapter aims at investigating the role of the Reagan administration in organizing the Games. Contrary to previous understanding, which tend to dismiss federal government involvment in the organization of the Games, it will highlight the political and diplomatic actions undertaken by the Reagan administration to organize a perfect edition of the Olympics and to sell the world reaganism through the Los Angeles Games. Since the creation of an Olympic task force within the White House, the Los Angeles Games were perceived as a showcase on Ronald Reagan's America. The task force immediately concluded that the federal government would act behind the scenes, providing all the necessary security measures for the LAOOC and the Games, coordinating diplomatic actions and looking over consular practices. Tasks increased when the Soviets announced their boycott: the White House defined a clear damage-limiting strategy. In its conclusions, the chapter will discuss a sort of paradox: the Reagan administration was increasingly involved in the promotion of what it presented as a government-free edition of the Olympics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-106
Author(s):  
Keith Hart

I dwell here on my own experience of working at Cambridge University for methodological reasons. Anthropologists could make more of the humanities tradition of going deeply into particular personalities, places, events and relations in search of wider truths. Ethnography exemplifies this, but the discipline’s assimilation into the social sciences and academic bureaucracy counteract this impulse. I draw selectively on my anthropological education and academic work to interrogate the political relationship between western societies and their former colonies. Cambridge University is reactionary for sure, but its decentralized organization makes room for a minority sometimes to change the world. The historical example of the abolition movement illustrates this. Anthropology ought to be a way of rethinking the world, and I conclude with how and why I introduced students to the anti-colonial intellectuals who did just that when they led the liberation (not ‘decolonization’) movements that overthrew European empires.


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