scholarly journals Mulheres Latino-Americanas e a Luta por Direitos Reprodutivos: o panorama da conjuntura política e legal do aborto nos países da América Latina.

2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 32
Author(s):  
Paula Gonzaga ◽  
Lina Aras
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
State Of The Art ◽  
Reproductive Rights ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sexual Rights ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Las Mujeres ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Second Wave

A partir da década de 1960 a Segunda Onda do feminismo destacou a questão dos direitos ao corpo e ao livre exercício da sexualidade para as mulheres. Entre os temas de destaque as feministas pautaram a defesa da interrupção voluntária da gravidez como um direito das mulheres que deve ser garantido pelo Estado. Apesar do êxito obtido em grande parte da Europa, o avanço dessa discussão foi contido nos países latino americanos devido a predominância dos governos ditatoriais que perseguiram a organização dos movimentos sociais. Com a redemocratização o movimento feminista colocou novamente a questão do aborto em pauta, no entanto, novos arranjos políticos e disputas de poder contribuíram para que o aborto continue sendo considerado crime na maior parte da América Latina. Diante desse panorama o artigo tem por objetivo analisar a conjuntura política da América Latina no que tange aos avanços e retrocessos no campo dos direitos sexuais e reprodutivos das mulheres, enfocando na temática da descriminalização do aborto. A partir de um levantamento do estado da arte sobre essa temática em que se destacou a atuação dos discursos que atuam para a manutenção da criminalização do aborto ou que defendem que ele seja descriminalizado e legalizado.Palavras Chave: América Latina, Descriminalização do Aborto, Direitos Reprodutivos, Feminismo***AbstractSince 1960s the Second Wave of feminism emphasized issues regarding the rights over the women´s own body and the free exercise of their sexuality. Beyond the highlighted topics, feminists guided the defense of the volunteer interruption of pregnancy as a women’s right that must be ensured by the State. Despite the success of this proposal across Europe, the progress of this discussion was restrained in Latin America due to the predominance of dictatorial governments which pursued the organization of social movements. With the redemocratization, the feminist movement brought the issue of abortion in the agenda, however new political arrangements and power dispute have contributed to the abortion is considered crime in must of Latin America. Faced this scenario, this paper aims to analyse the political situation in Latina America regarding the advances and setbacks in sexual rights and reproductive rights of women focusing on decriminalization of abortion. From a survey of the state of the art on this theme, in which it stood out the aperfomance of the speeches that maintain the abortion criminalization or defend that the abortion is decriminalized and legalized.Keywords : Latin America, Decriminalization of Abortion , Reproductive Rights, Feminism***ResumenDesde la década de 1960, el feminismo de la segunda onda he destacado la cuestión de los derechos sobre el cuerpo y el libre ejercicio de la sexualidad de las mujeres. Entre los temas destacados, las feministas guían la defensa del aborto como un derecho de la mujer a ser garantizado por el Estado. A pesar del éxito logrado en gran parte de Europa, el avance de esta discusión fue reprimida en los países de América Latina, debido a la dominación de los gobiernos dictatoriales que persiguen la organización de los movimientos sociales. Desde el retorno a la democracia, el movimiento feminista de nuevo puso el tema del aborto en la agenda, sin embargo, los nuevos arreglos políticos y luchas de poder contribuyeron al aborto sigue siendo un delito penal en la mayor parte de América Latina. En este contexto, el presente estudio tuvo como objetivo analizar la situación política de América Latina con respecto a los avances y retrocesos en materia de derechos sexuales y reproductivos de las mujeres, centrándose en la despenalización del aborto a partir de un estudio del estado del arte sobre este tema que, destacando el desempeño de los discursos que actúan para mantener la penalización del aborto o que defienden que ser despenalizado y legalizado.Palabras- clave: Latinoamérica, despenalización del aborto, derechos reproductivos, feminismo

scholarly journals Mecanismos de representación política en las democracias latinoamericanas: las cuotas electorales de género

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Roberto Álvarez San Martín
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Participation Of Women ◽  
Las Mujeres ◽  
America Latina

Resumen: A partir de cifras y hechos planteados por PNUD, CEPAL, FLACSO Chile e INSTRAW sobre la participación política de las mujeres, se realiza una revisión de los debates, aplicaciones y efectos de las cuotas electorales de género en América latina. Se toman en cuenta las diferentes barreras que deben sortear las mujeres en la arena política, y se analizan la definición, alcances y argumentos en pro y en contra de las cuotas electorales de género. Se analiza este mecanismo a partir de los casos de Argentina y Costa Rica, los más exitosos en términos de resultados; mientras México evidencia el impacto incremental de las cuotas en la representación femenina, Perú pone en evidencia la influencia de la fuerte tradición presidencialista. Brasil es un caso paradigmático, que representaría el fracaso de las cuotas de género. Se concluye que, salvo Argentina, las otras democracias sólo han podido acelerar el proceso de inclusión real de mujeres en los procesos eleccionarios, pero sin que los resultados sean realmente compatibles con lo esperado. Las mujeres latinoamericanas, con cuotas o sin ellas, siguen estando sub-representadas en los espacios de participación política.Palabras clave: Participación política femenina, cuotas electorales de género, mecanismos de representación política.Abstract: On the basis of data and facts put forth by UN, CEPAL, FLACSO Chile e INSTRAW about the political participation of women, this article analyzes the debates about the application and effects of electoral gender quotas in Latin America. The barriers to women’s political participation are taken into account, analyzing the definition, reach and arguments for and against gender quotas. The cases of Argentina and Costa Rica, the most successful in results, are analyzed. While Mexico shows the increased impact of quotas, Peru makes evident the influence of the strong presidential tradition. Brazil is a paradigmatic case, representing the failure of gender quotes. In conclusion, save for Argentina, other democracies have only accelerated the process of women’s inclusion in election processes, but without results compatible with expectations. Latin American women, with out without quotas, are underrepresented in the spaces of political participation.Key words: feminine political participation, electoral gender quotas, mechanisms of political representation.

scholarly journals Poder Judicial, medios de comunicación y política: lawfare en Argentina

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 70
Author(s):  
Constanza Marianela Estepa ◽  
Marcelo Andrés Maisonnave
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Complex Issue ◽  
Media And Politics ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
The Media ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Political Dispute ◽  
Medios De Comunicacion

  El presente artículo participa de la discusión en torno al lawfare en América Latina, situación que es centro de intensos debates que exceden lo normativo, posicionándose como un tema complejo que atraviesa principalmente la geopolítica en la región. El trabajo toma el caso de Argentina en los últimos cinco años, para verificar la existencia del lawfare como una herramienta real en la disputa política en el país. Se analizan particularmente los cruces entre el poder judicial, los medios de comunicación y la política, en Argentina, que es en definitiva un eslabón de una situación histórica continental. Por último, se reflexiona sobre un posible momento refundacional en cuanto a la organización y construcción del Estado a partir de la pandemia del COVID - 19.   Palabras clave: lawfare, Poder Judicial, comunicación, Estado, política Argentina.   Abstract This article aims to participate in the discussion around lawfare in Latin America, a situation that is the center of intense debates that go beyond the normative, positioning itself as a complex issue that mainly crosses geopolitics in our region. The work takes the case of Argentina in the last five years, to verify the existence of lawfare as a real tool in the political dispute in the country. The intersections between the judiciary, the media and politics in Argentina, which is ultimately a link in a continental historical situation, are particularly analyzed. Finally, it is reflected whether or not we are in a refundational moment regarding the organization and construction of the State from the COVID - 19 pandemia.   Keywords: lawfare, Judiciary, communication, State, Argentina politics.

Colonial Histories and Decolonial Dreams in the Ecuadorean Amazon

2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 200-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Holst
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Natural Resources ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Programs ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
Colonial Histories ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Right

The political changes sweeping Latin America have inspired scholars to declare a “post-neoliberal” era, some even suggesting a potential reversal of colonialism. Despite progressive political discourse in Ecuador, the indigenous movement continues to resist the state. Underlying the conflict between the indigenous and the state is a long-standing conflict between economic growth and the environment. Since Ecuador’s economy relies on Amazonian natural resources, the post-neoliberal Ecuadorean state requires colonial advances into indigenous territory to fund its progressive social programs. The opposite of colonialism is autonomy, which in the right hands can represent a true development alternative. Los cambios políticos arrasando América Latina han inspirado a los académicos a declarar una era “posneoliberal,” algunos incluso sugiriendo una inversión potencial de colonialismo. A pesar del discurso político progresista en el Ecuador, el movimiento indígena continúa resistiendo el Estado. Detrás del conflicto entre los indígenas y el Estado es un conflicto antiguo entre el crecimiento económico y el medio ambiente. Como la economía de Ecuador se basa en los recursos naturales de la Amazonía, el Estado ecuatoriano posneoliberal requiere avances coloniales en territorio indígena para financiar sus programas sociales progresistas. Lo contrario del colonialismo es la autonomía, que en las manos adecuadas puede representar una verdadera alternativa de desarrollo.

scholarly journals Amenazas y conflictos híbridos: características distintivas, evolución en el tiempo y manifestaciones preponderantes/ Hybrid Conflicts and Threats: Main Features, its Evolution across Time and Preponderant Forms

2019 ◽  
pp. 8-23
Author(s):  
Mariano Bartolomé
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
International Relations ◽  
International Security ◽  
State Of The Art ◽  
The State ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Constant Attention ◽  
Hybrid Threats ◽  
America Latina ◽  
High Level

Dentro del campo de análisis de la seguridad internacional contemporánea, ocupa un lugar de importancia la “hibridación” de los conflictos armados y las amenazas transnacionales, cuestión que demanda la constante atención de los especialistas. El presente artículo aborda tanto la amenaza que constituye un actor que plantea modos de combate híbridos como la resultante de la combinación sinérgica de al menos dos amenazas diferentes, que pueden darse de manera autónoma. Se presenta un panorama actualizado sobre el tema, que refleja su estado del arte, incluyendo versiones ajenas a Occidente. El primer objetivo consiste en establecer dónde radica la singularidad de los conflictos híbridos respecto a las formas precedentes de contienda armada, subsanando así los inconvenientes que plantean tanto un empleo poco riguroso de los términos como cierta proliferación semántica. El segundo objetivo, complementario del primero, apunta a identificar los formatos más relevantes que adoptan las amenazas híbridas en la actualidad. Las conclusiones indican si se registra la presencia de conflictos y amenazas híbridas en América Latina, y en caso afirmativo, cuáles son sus manifestaciones, así como el grado de preparación de los Estados frente a ellas. Abstract In the field of contemporary international security, the “hybridization” of armed conflicts and transnational threats has a high level of priority, demanding constant attention from specialists. This article analyzes threats coming from actors that choose hybrids ways of warfare, and also the combination of at least two different and autonomous threats. An updated framework about this issue, which reflects the state of the art, including nonwestern views, is presented. The first objective is to identify the singularity of hybrid conflicts, and its differences with previous forms of armed conflicts, fixing the problems produced both by an unrestricted use of concepts and certain semantic proliferation. The second objective, which complements the former, seeks to identify the most common expressions of hybrid threats in today´s international relations framework. The conclusions address if hybrid conflicts and threats are present in Latin America and, in an affirmative case, what is the degree of preparation of the States to fight these problems.

Propaganda as a means of implementing the ideological function of the state

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (3) ◽  
pp. 10-14
Author(s):  
Aleksey Bredikhin ◽  
Andrei Udaltsov
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Feedback System ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Position ◽  
Equal Footing ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Mass Media

In the article the authors analyze the essence of propaganda as a means of implementing ideological function of the state. It is noted that propaganda is a mechanism of spreading information persuasive influence in the interpretation and estimation of state power representatives. The structure of propaganda is determined: beneficiary of propaganda, subjects of propaganda, content of propaganda, channels of realization of propaganda, addressee of propaganda, feedback system. Types of propaganda are distinguished: political, axiological, educational, preventive. The authors come to the conclusion that the basic directions and the propaganda content are established in normative acts and the programs and organizational actions accepted according to them. Along with the implementation of propaganda, the ideological function is implemented by prohibiting or restricting propaganda or other dissemination of information that endangers the foundations of the constitutional order and is otherwise aimed at destabilizing the political situation in the State, as well as prohibiting the propaganda of ideas that may harm the foundations of morality and morality. The mass media are essential in carrying out propaganda. The State widely uses this resource on an equal footing with other actors to disseminate ideas of public importance and uses the services of various communication agencies. However, the state forms a legal framework for the mass media, their rights and limitations, which still determines the special position of the state in this process.

scholarly journals Etnizando metodologías de investigación social: formación para el fortalecimiento del liderazgo de mujeres indígenas

2018 ◽  
pp. 5-33
Author(s):  
Dra. Dolores Figueroa Romero ◽  
Dra. Araceli Burguete Cal y Mayor
Keyword(s):  
Knowledge Production ◽  
Social Research ◽  
Women's Leadership ◽  
Indigenous Women ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Anthropology ◽  
Training Experience ◽  
Political Contribution ◽  
Las Mujeres ◽  
America Latina

A partir de la descripción de enfoques y procesos de enseñanza de investigación del Diplomado para el Fortalecimiento del Liderazgo de las Mujeres Indígenas, coordinado por la Universidad Indígena Intercultural del Fondo Indígena y el Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social, se desarrollará una reflexión sobre “la etnización” de la investigación social y la producción de conocimiento cultural y políticamente pertinente para el movimiento de mujeres indígenas organizadas en América Latina. En específico, nuestro análisis se centrará en mostrar los escenarios de disputa donde facilitadoras y lideresas se enfrentaron ante el reto de desmontar la colonialidad de la construcción del conocimiento en las dinámicas de enseñanza y procesos de adecuación de métodos de investigación. Las particulares experiencias de conducción del trabajo de campo de las alumnas mostrarán su creatividad al adaptar y adoptar metodologías que les permitieron visibilizar el aporte político de las mujeres indígenas al desarrollo del activismo indígena local.Indigenizing Social Research Methodologies: Training Experience for the Strengthening of Women’s LeadershipAbstractBased on an ethnographic description of the approaches, learning processes and final research products of the Diploma for the Strengthening of Women’s Leadership coordinated by the Indigenous Fund’s Intercultural Indigenous University and the Center for Research and Advanced Studies in Social Anthropology (UII-CIESAS), this essay reflects upon the indigenization of social research and knowledge production designed to meet the cultural and political needs of the indigenous women’s movement in Latin America. Specifically our analysis will focus on showing scenarios of dispute where facilitators and leaders faced the challenge of dismantling the coloniality of the knowledge construction in teaching dynamics and processes of adequacy of research methods. Finally, the students' own fieldwork experiences show their creativity in adapting and adopting methodologies that allowed them to make visible the political contribution of indigenous women to the local indigenous activism.Recibido: 02 de febrero de 2016Aceptado: 30 de mayo de 2017 

scholarly journals Caráter das mudanças na America Latina. Algumas questões metodológicas

2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Lucio Oliver Costilla
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
South America ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Society ◽  
Study Approach ◽  
Sociedad Civil ◽  
America Latina ◽  
América Del Sur ◽  
Hegemonic Construction

Resumo Este artigo aborda as atuais mudanças em curso na América do Sul, desde uma sociologia política crítica a partir de uma análise das interconexões entre sociedade política e sociedade civil, em especial gramsciana. Ela propõe ser a chave para construir um campo de problemas teóricos e metodológicos vinculados à teoria crítica e a questão do Estado em sentido integral, que permitam entender o que acontece na sociedade política (a disputa de projetos políticos) e, sobre tudo, na sociedade civil (o universo de ideologias, valores, visões de mundo em jogo). A questão não se trata aceitar a ótica dos autores políticos que dirigem as mudanças em marcha, se não configurar teoricamente a problemática das mudanças. Sugiro que este enfoque de estudo permita valorizar a capacidade de intervenção institucional e político-social das forças progressistas e perguntar se estão apostando, ou não, a elevar os níveis de organização e consciência das massas populares, questão chave na construção hegemônica. Conclui-se que a questão central a elucidar na última década e meia de governos progressistas na América do Sul é saber qual o Estado que se precisa para uma sociedade em expansão e empoderamento, e qual a sociedade civil necessária para sustentar, aprofundar ou consolidar as novas políticas em um sentido emancipador. Palavras-Chave: Crises e reconfiguração da América Latina. Ruptura epistemológica. Construção de problemáticas sociológicas. Crítica e política nas mudanças da América Latina.---ResumenEste articulo aborda las actuales mudanzas en curso en América del Sur desde una sociología política critica a partir de una análisis de las interconexiones entre sociedad política y sociedad civil en clave gramsciana. Propone que clave construir un campo de problemas teóricos y metodológicos vinculados a la teoría crítica y a la cuestión del Estado en el sentido integral, que permitan entender lo que acontece en la sociedad política (la disputa de proyectos políticos) y sobre todo en la sociedad civil (el universo de ideologías, valores, visiones del mundo en juego). La cuestión no pasa por aceptar la óptica de los actores políticos que dirigen los cambios en marcha, sino configurar teóricamente la problemática de los cambios. Sugiero que este enfoque de estudio permite valorar la capacidad de intervención institucional y político-social de las fuerzas progresistas y preguntarse si están apostando , o no, a elevar los niveles de organización y conciencia de las masas populares, cuestión clave en la construcción hegemónica. Se concluye que la cuestión central a dilucidar en la última década y media de gobiernos progresistas en América del Sur es saber cuál es el Estado que se precisa para una sociedad en expansión y empoderamiento, y cuál la sociedad civil necesaria para sustentar, profundizar o consolidar las nuevas políticas en un sentido emancipador.Palabras Clave: Crisis y reconfiguración de América Latina. Ruptura epistemológica. Construcción de problemáticas sociológicas. Crítica y política en las mudanzas de América Latina.---AbstractThis article covers the current changes taking place in South America, from a critical political sociology to an analysis of the interconnections between political society and civil society, especially Gramscian. This may be the key to building a field of theoretical and methodological problems linked to the critical theory and the issue of the State, which enables an understanding of the political society (the dispute of political projects) and, above all, of the civil society (the universe of ideologies, values, worldviews at stake). It is not a question of accepting the perspective of political figures that drive the ongoing changes, but to establish, theoretically, the issue of change. I suggest that this study approach will allow develop the ability of institutional and political-social intervention of the progressive forces and question if they are trying, or not, to raise levels of organization and consciousness of the masses, the key issue is in the hegemonic construction. I conclude that the key issue, from the last decade and a half of progressive governments in South America, is to know which is the state that is required for a society in expansion and empowerment and, in an emancipatory sense, which is the civil society needed to sustain, strengthen or consolidate the new policies. Keywords: Crisis and reconfiguration of Latin America. Epistemological rupture. Construction of sociological issues. Critical and political changes in Latin America.

scholarly journals A APLICAÇÃO DO CONCEITO DE POPULISMO À AMÉRICA LATINA: pela necessidade de classificar, e não desqualificar

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
João Carlos Amoroso Botelho
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The Political ◽  
Socioeconomic Conditions ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
The Past ◽  
De Se ◽  
The Subject ◽  
America Latina

Desde que autores como Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) e Ianni (1975) aplicaram a noção de populismo à América Latina, muito se escreveu sobre o tema. O conceito se estirou tanto que tem servido para definir políticos os mais díspares. Com a ausência das condições socioeconômicas descritas pelas formulações clássicas, a estratégia adotada é limitar a categoria à dimensão política. Esse procedimento, porém, não é capaz de descrever atributos exclusivos suficientes para que o populismo seja um fenômeno específico. Ao mesmo tempo, o conceito está tão enraizado que não é viável abandoná-lo. A solução proposta é avaliar em quais características um político se aproxima e se afasta dos casos paradigmáticos do passado. Assim, ele pode ser populista em certos aspectos e não em outros. Com esse procedimento, se chega a uma classificação, em que um líder apresente mais ou menos atributos descritos pelas definições clássicas, eliminando a necessidade de reformulação constante do conceito para adaptá-lo a novas circunstâncias. Também haveria menos espaço a que o rótulo de populista continuasse servindo para desqualificar políticos latino-americanos. O artigo aborda definições clássicas e recentes aplicadas à América Latina e avalia a viabilidade empírica da estratégia de se concentrar na dimensão política.---LA APLICACIÓN DEL CONCEPTO DE POPULISMO AMÉRICA LATINA: la necesidad de clasificar, y no descalificar Desde que autores como Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) y Ianni (1975) aplicaron la noción de populismo a la América Latina, mucho se ha escrito sobre el tema. El concepto se ha estirado tanto que ha definido políticos muy dispares. Con la ausencia de las condiciones socioeconómicas descritas por las formulaciones clásicas, la estrategia adoptada es concentrarse en la dimensión política. Ese procedimiento, sin embargo, no es capaz de describir atributos exclusivos suficientes para que el populismo sea un fenómeno específico. Al mismo tiempo, el concepto está tan enraizado que no es viable abandonarlo. La solución propuesta es evaluar en cuales características un político se acerca y se aleja de los casos paradigmáticos del pasado. Así, ello puede ser populista en ciertos aspectos y no en otros. Con ese procedimiento, se llega a una clasificación, en que un líder presente más o menos atributos descritos por las definiciones clásicas, eliminando la necesidad de reformulación constante del concepto. También habría menos espacio a que el rótulo de populista continuase sirviendo para descalificar políticos latinoamericanos. El artículo presenta definiciones clásicas y recientes aplicadas a la América Latina y discute la viabilidad empírica de la estrategia de concentrarse en la dimensión política.Palabras-clave: populismo; América Latina; casos paradigmáticos; clasificación.---THE APPLICATION OF THE CONCEPT OF POPULISM IN LATIN AMERICA: the need to classify and not disqualifyEver since authors such as Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) and Ianni (1975) applied the notion of populism in Latin America, much has been written on the subject. The concept stretched out so much that it has served to define the most dissimilar politicians. In the absence of socioeconomic conditions described by classical formulations, the strategy adopted is to restrict the category to the political dimension. Such a procedure, however, is not capable of describing adequate particular attributes that populism would be a specific phenomenon. At the same time, the concept is so deeply embedded in our society that it is not feasible to abandon it. The proposed solution is to evaluate in which characteristics a politician reaches and moves away from the paradigmatic cases of the past. Thus, it can be populist in some respects and not in others. In such a procedure, we arrive at a classification in which a leader shows more or less attributes described by classical definitions, eliminating the need for constant reformulation of the concept to adapt it to new circumstances. Also, there would be less space to which the label of populist would continue to serve to disqualify Latin American politicians. The article discusses recent and classic settings applied to Latin America and assesses the empirical viability of focusing on the political dimension strategy.Key words: populism; Latin America; paradigmatic cases; classification.

scholarly journals Bollywood in the Hollywood Era: Narratives of Ultra-nationalism, Terrorism and Violence

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-47
Author(s):  
Iqbal Shailo
Keyword(s):  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Regional Politics ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Hollywood Movies ◽  
Strategic Policies

The study examines how some renowned Hollywood and Bollywood movies deal with geopolitical representations of empire and regional politics through the construction of discourses centered on the building of “empire” and “nation”. These movies reflect how government machineries evaluate the political situation and strategic policies of the country in managing geopolitical environments through the construction of security narratives, political rhetoric and geopolitical discourses.  The narratives of specific Hollywood movies tend to explain contemporary geopolitics with an emphasis on America’s military power, strategy and world leadership while the genre of Bollywood movies reconnects the ideology of division through the establishment of geographies of ‘us’ and ‘them’ setting aside the so-called “secular face” of the state.

Rothschilds’ “Delicate and Difficult Task”: Reputation, Political Instability, and the Brazilian Rescue Loans of the 1890s

2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
LEONARDO WELLER
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Sovereign Debt ◽  
Debt Crisis ◽  
Political Instability ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Brazilian Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

The London House of Rothschild depended on Brazil to maintain its reputation. This became a problem in the 1890s, when the Brazilian government almost defaulted on its sovereign debt after a change of regime had made politics unstable and economic policy unorthodox. This article shows how the relationship between the bank and the state developed to the point that Rothschilds was forced to rescue its client. Exposure enabled Brazil to implement policies designed to defend the regime at the expense of payment capacity without defaulting. The debt crisis ended only after the political situation stabilized toward the close of the century, when the bank pressured the government to tighten economic policy.

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