scholarly journals O DISCURSO DA DISSIMULAÇÃO COMO ESPAÇO PARA CONSTRUÇÃO DO ETHOS POLÍTICO: UMA ANÁLISE DA ENTREVISTA DO PREFEITO MARCELO CRIVELLA AO SBT

Author(s):  
Wagner Costa ◽  
Malena Conceição

: In this article, it is studied the construction of the political ethos of Marcelo Crivella, mayor of the city of Rio de Janeiro, in an interview with the broadcaster SBT, on July 9, 2018. The interview stems from a complaint made by the broadcaster Globo, creating a great controversy. Crivella, in his speech, deflects from the proposed topics questions of the reporter and practice the discourse strategy of concealment (CHARAUDEAU, 2006b), space within which he elaborates his political ethos pursued by his religious option. The theoretical perspective of this study is the semiolinguistic discourse analysis (CHARAUDEAU, 2010).

2015 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-278
Author(s):  
Mark Doidge ◽  
Bárbara Schausteck de Almeida

During his playing days, the Brazilian striker Romário was one of the most famous footballers in the world. He played for three of Brazil’s top clubs in Rio de Janeiro, as well as Barcelona and PSV Eindhoven. He won the World Cup and scored over one-thousand goals throughout his career. After this successful career, Romário entered politics, first as a deputy in the city of Rio and later as a senator in the state of Rio de Janeiro. Romário’s electoral success is not simply down to his footballing ability, nor the popularity of the sport in Brazil. Sports stardom, celebrity and celebrity politicians are also engaging with complex cultural processes. He has traded on his footballing stardom, but he also connects with his electorate through specific policy campaigns that resonate particularly well with his Brazilian voters. More importantly, he uses football and his footballer career as a metaphor for the wider problems facing Brazilian society. Drawing on literature from Sports Stardom, Celebrity and Celebrity Politicians, this paper charts the political career of Romário within the socio-political context of Brazil and argues that celebrity politicians still need to engage with their audiences regardless of their previous careers.


2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Lucia Maria Alves Ferreira

À luz da Análise do Discurso de filiação francesa, este artigo examina as principais redes de sentido tecidas pelo discurso jornalístico sobre a construção de muros em torno das favelas da cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Mobilizando os conceitos de acontecimento, memória, formação discursiva e sujeito, são examinadas matérias publicadas pelo jornal O Globo e pelas revistas Veja e Isto é entre abril de 2009 e fevereiro de 2010, procurando identificar os processos enunciativos que operam para que determinados sentidos se tornem hegemônicos e outros silenciados.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Memória. Discurso jornalístico. Acontecimento ABSTRACT Based on the principles of French Discourse Analysis, this article examines the main meaning networks put forward by the journalistic discourse about the construction of concrete walls surrounding some favelas in the city of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. The analytical framework mobilizes the concepts of memory, discursive formation and subject to identify the discursive processes that function so that some meanings become hegemonic while others are silenced. A corpus of texts published by the newspaper O Globo and the weekly magazines Veja and Isto é between April 2009 and February 2010 are used in the analysis.KEYWORDS: Memory. Journalistic discourse. Discursive event


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Szaniecki

O artigo traz reflexões sobre a implementação do conceito de Economia Criativa no Brasil e, em particular, da transformação do Rio de Janeiro em Cidade Criativa. Essa transformação é visível através da realização de megaeventos mas torna invisíveis alguns dos potentes atores culturais e criativos da cidade. Apresentaremos a literatura que aborda esses temas assim como experiências alternativas de produção cultural e criativa – os Pontos de Cultura a nível nacional, alguns experimentos realizados na ESDI/UERJ e a criatividade multitudinária das manifestações – que conjugam as dimensões produtiva e política da Criatividade e podem fortalecer o Direito à Cidade num Rio espetacularizado. Creativity, conflict and right to the city in rio de janeiro spectacularizedAbstractThis article reflects on the implementation of the concept of Creative Economy in Brazil and, in particular, the transformation of Rio de Janeiro in Creative City. This transformation is visible through the realization of mega-events but makes invisible some of the powerful cultural and creative actors of the city. We present the literature that addresses these issues as well as alternative experiences of cultural and creative production - the Points of Culture in Brazil, some experiments in ESDI / UERJ and multitudinous creativity of the protests - which combine the productive and the political dimension of creativity and can strengthen the Right to the City in a spectacularized Rio de Janeiro.


2019 ◽  
Vol IV (I) ◽  
pp. 205-210
Author(s):  
Aisha Rauf ◽  
Farhat Sajjad ◽  
Mehwish Malghani

This study examines the persuasive strategies of Imran Khan's political discourse. It also highlights the covert ideological practices as they are embedded in his political speeches. The analysis is based on the theoretical perspective of Fairclough and Van Dijk. This study analyses the linguistic elements and contextual facets to find hidden ideologies. The findings suggest Khan use of multiple strategies to get the political power, and promote his ideology by urging the urban youth and less-privileged part of society to play a role. Moreover linguistic analysis prove Khan's claim to be (un)conventional as he frequently addresses and acknowledges women support for political activism.


Author(s):  
Isabel De Souza Lima Junqueira Barreto

A cidade do Lobito foi fundada em 1905. Segundo o último Censo populacional do período colonial em Angola, feito em 1970, naquela altura era a terceira maior cidade angolana. Era um centro econômico muito relevante, sede de um importante porto e do Caminho de Ferro de Benguela. Este artigo aborda as memórias de antigos habitantes que residem hoje no Rio de Janeiro e que deixaram Angola em 1975, ano da independência política e do início da guerra civil. Através de suas lembranças foi possível acessar a visão que tinham da atmosfera da cidade, um exemplo da visão da vida em Angola como um paraíso, assim como suas visões a respeito do racismo e da discriminação estruturantes daquela sociedade. Tal questão se referia às relações entre brancos e negros e também entre colonos, de primeira geração e luso-angolanos. The city of Lobito was founded in 1905. According to the last Population census, made in 1970, at that time it was the third biggest Angolan city. It was a very relevant economic center, headquarters of an important port and of the Benguela Railway. This paper approach the memories of former inhabitants that today live in Rio de Janeiro and who left Angola in 1975, year of the political independence and the beginning of the civil war. Through their memories it was possible to access their vision of the city’s atmosphere, an example of the vision concerning the life in Angola as a paradise, as well as their visions concerning the structural racism and discrimination of that society. Such matter refers to the relation between whites and blacks and also between first generation settlers and luso-angolans.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 170
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Luis dos Santos

Fundada no Rio de Janeiro no ano de 1932, a Sociedade dos Amigos de Alberto Torres possuía um cunho nacionalista, empreendendo uma releitura de ideias do político e pensador social fluminense Alberto de Seixas Martins Torres (1865 – 1917). No Rio Grande do Sul, a fundação do núcleo regional se deu em 1936. Uma das principais bandeiras desta sociedade era uma mudança educacional no país, com um incentivo maior para o ensino rural. Além disso, tinha forte preocupação com a questão da imigração no país, com graves ressalvas para a entrada de determinados grupos, como japoneses e sírio-libaneses, além de apoiar o processo de nacionalização de grupos considerados de difícil assimilação, como os alemães. Nosso objetivo, neste trabalho, é analisar a inserção do núcleo regional da Sociedade dos Amigos de Alberto Torres no que compete ao tocante educacional do Rio Grande do Sul, destacando medidas adotadas em áreas de imigração, como no município de São Leopoldo, onde um dos líderes estaduais desta entidade, o advogado Carlos de Souza Moraes, atuava como secretário da Prefeitura local e responsável pela Instrução Pública na cidade. Aprofundar os estudos sobre a inserção da Sociedade dos Amigos de Alberto Torres e a implementação de suas ideias no contexto sul-rio-grandense, sobretudo no período do Estado Novo (1937 – 1945), pode contribuir significativamente para uma compreensão mais ampla da complexidade e dinamicidade deste momento histórico.* * *Founded in Rio de Janeiro in 1932, the Society of Friends of Alberto Torres possessed a nationalist character, undertaking a rereading of ideas of Rio de Janeiro politician and social thinker Alberto de Seixas Martins Torres (1865 - 1917). In Rio Grande do Sul, the founding of the regional nucleus occurred in 1936. One of the main flags of this society was an educational change in the country, with a greater incentive for rural education. In addition, he was deeply concerned about the issue of immigration in the country, with serious caveats for the entry of certain groups, such as Japanese and Syrian-Lebanese, and support the process of nationalization of groups considered difficult to assimilate, such as the Germans. Our objective, in this work, is to analyze the insertion of the regional nucleus of the Society of Friends of Alberto Torres in what concerns the educational point of Rio Grande do Sul, highlighting measures adopted in areas of immigration, such as in the municipality of São Leopoldo, where one of the state leaders of this entity, the lawyer Carlos de Souza Moraes, acted as secretary of the local government and responsible for public education in the city. To deepen the studies on the integration of the Society of Friends of Alberto Torres and the implementation of his ideas in the context of South-Rio Grande do Sul, especially during the Estado Novo period (1937-1945), can contribute significantly to a broader understanding of the complexity and dynamicity of this historical moment.


2018 ◽  
pp. 147-161
Author(s):  
Ana Brasil Machado

RESUMOO projeto dos ecolimites foi concebido e implementado ao longo dos anos 2000 na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Seu objetivo manifesto era conter a expansão das favelas sobre áreas de proteção ambiental. Em uma situação geográfica particular, a da favela da Rocinha, o projeto tomou a forma de um parque urbano dotado de diversos equipamentos de lazer. Este artigo tem como objetivo discutir a implantação do Parque Ecológico da Rocinha a partir das perspectivas da esfera pública e da política urbana, contribuindo assim para o debate acerca da dimensão política dos espaços públicos.Palavras-chave: ecolimites, esfera pública, política urbana. ABSTRACTThe ecolimites project was conceived and implemented throughout the years 2000 in the city of Rio de Janeiro. Its overt goal was to contain the expansion of favelas over areas of environmental protection. In a particular geographical situation, the favela of Rocinha, the project took the form of an urban park equipped with various leisure facilities. This article aims to discuss the implementation of the Rocinha Ecological Park from the perspectives of the public sphere and urban politics, thus contributing to the debate about the political dimension of public spaces.Keywords: ecolimits, public sphere, urban politics


Author(s):  
Joana DArc Ferraz ◽  
Lucas Campos

The sites of memory, in Pierre Nora's perspective (1993), are spaces of eternalization of a memory's group that can no longer be spontaneously evoked by collective memory. There is a large dispute between the State and the social movements regarding the preservation of historical heritage that alludes to the Brazilian military-business coup (1964-1985) in Rio de Janeiro. We intend to think the political place of these sites of memories, consulting the patrimony of spaces and buildings which advocate for the coup and dictatorship, in the city of Rio de Janeiro. The policy that has been practiced so far by the State can be defined as conciliatory. However, the social movements demand the insertion of their voices in these places, considering them, silenced or forgotten. We are interested in analyzing these disputes and how they reflect on society. Key words: Brazilian military-business dictatorship; memory; patrimony.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luiz Augusto Campos ◽  
Carlos Machado

Abstract It appears to be beyond dispute that Brazilian politics is overwhelmingly White. Recent surveys indicate that the proportion of people of colour in the federal parliament is around 20%. But despite such obvious marginalisation, little is known about the causes of this political under-representation. This paper attempts to shed light on the main filters driving out non-Whites, i.e. Blacks and Browns, from Brazilian politics. To this end, we have carried out a survey of the skin colour of candidates to a seat in the City Council of Brazil’s two largest cities: São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, in the 2012 elections. Given the lack of official records on the race or skin colour of these candidates, we chose to submit their photos, made publicly available by the Supreme Electoral Court, to classification by a team of researchers. The results have allowed us to gauge the extent to which the political alienation of non-White Brazilians is due to: (a) bias in party recruitment; (b) differences in educational capital and personal wealth between White and non-White candidates; (c) inequalities in the distribution of party and electoral resources; or (d) the electoral preferences of voters themselves. Apparently, the electoral opportunities of Blacks and Browns reflect the difficulties that these groups face when trying to ascend to the small elite of candidates that have the biggest funding and the most votes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcella de Araujo Silva

Abstract This paper examines how power relations are organized and institutionalized in áreas de milícia (militia-controlled areas) in the city of Rio de Janeiro. Drawing on my experience in public policies and research conducted in such areas, I look to understand the interweaving of politics and the security market in the vast but little known West Zone of the city. Reconstructing the story of one particular house in an área de milícia and tracing its connections back to the political genesis of the area’s top leader - who figures in the now famous CPI das Milícias report - the paper reveals unforeseen interconnections between urban policies and the expanding illegal security market.


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