Analysis of Voting Decisions of Young Voters in 2018 Local Elections: Daegu-Gyeongbuk voters’ pre and post survey

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Keonsup Song
Author(s):  
Kasper M. Hansen

Turnout in Denmark is high and stable in local as well as in national elections. A strong sense of voting as a duty nursed in primary schools and by civil society, early mobilization of the popular right, effective automatic voter registration, and many social traditions supporting whom to vote with contribute to explaining the high and stable turnout pattern. Nevertheless, there are substantial inequalities in turnout in Denmark. In particular, immigrants from non-Western countries and the unemployed have low turnout. The many recent Get-Out-The-Vote experiments in Denmark have increased turnout not only through their direct effect but also through a general increase in public awareness of participating in an election. The experiments had the largest impact on the low-propensity voters and thus contribute to decreased inequalities in turnout. Despite mobilization of especially young voters, large inequalities remain in turnout across specific groups in Denmark in national as well as local elections.


Author(s):  
Daniel Hart ◽  
James Youniss

Voting is traditionally reserved for those 18 and older. We examine the justifications for this age demarcation, and then consider the research evidence. This review suggests that 16- and 17-year-olds ought to be allowed to vote in local elections because they share all the relevant qualities for voting possessed by young adults. Moreover, this change in voting age will enliven civics education as young voters discuss how they will vote on local issues and promote the acquisition of the habit of voting. Finally, we argue that because municipal governance is less ideologically-polarized than national politics, local communities are excellent contexts for developing civic knowledge and dispositions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 27-61
Author(s):  
Jo Saglie ◽  
Johannes Bergh ◽  
Jens Petter Gitlesen ◽  
Hilmar Rommetvedt

The aim of this chapter is to provide a broad overview of national trends and local variations at the 2019 local elections – the first elections to be held in the new, merged municipalities and counties. Looking at the nationwide results, the government parties as well as the Labour Party suffered losses, while the other opposition parties – especially the Centre Party – were the winners. While welfare policy has been high on the voter agenda in previous elections, the environment and climate change were the most important issues this time, especially among young voters. The voter agenda nevertheless varied between municipalities. Climate and the environment were, like the issue of toll roads, most important in the cities. In many peripheral districts, on the other hand, amalgamation of municipalities and other centralizing public sector reforms were significant issues. The centre-periphery dimension is still important in Norwegian politics, and it has contributed to the Centre Party’s gains – particularly in a number of former Labour Party strongholds in northern Norway. Local conditions also contribute to variation. Looking at results from individual municipalities, local deviations from the national trend have increased. Moreover, an increasing share of voters says that local issues were important for their vote.


2008 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michal Pink ◽  
Josef Smolik

This paper examines the electoral results of two extreme right-wing parties, namely the Národní Strana [National Party] and Právo a Spravedlnost [Law and Justice] in the 2006 local elections. The basic method chosen is a comparative study of their electoral results at the level of those municipalities where they were present. Local results for the two political parties are also compared and contrasted with their previous performance in parliamentary elections. Additionally, a longer-term analysis of electoral support for Sdružení pro Republiku – Republikánská strana ?eskoslovenska and its successors present in the above elections will be investigated. The distribution of electoral support will be attributed to selected socioeconomic factors, number of young voters, education, nationality, and number of religious people in society. On this basis in the presented text we will try to show the interdependence of electoral behavior.


2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 471-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcel Paret

AbstractDeclining electoral support for South Africa's ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), suggests a potential weakening of the anti-apartheid nationalism that defined the immediate post-apartheid period. Using two surveys of voters in primarily poor and working-class black areas, conducted during the 2014 (national) and 2016 (local) elections, as well as three case studies of protest by workers, poor communities and students, this article examines the social cleavages and political dynamics that underpinned deepening political competition. Results show that voting decisions varied according to gender, age, ethnicity and receipt of welfare benefits. Different public provisions mattered most during national versus local elections, demonstrating that voters paid close attention to government operations. Underscoring political fluidity, some instances of protest reinforced ANC dominance while others fed into support for the opposition. The findings challenge notions of uncontested one party dominance, revealing instead that some poor black voters are critically evaluating the ANC's performance and developing oppositional political identities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 264-280
Author(s):  
Samsudin A. Rahim

Abstract Social media as a new tool for political communication influences current developments in political campaigning. In combination with mainstream media, social media is increasingly used for purposes such as political marketing, mobilisation of voters, and public debate. This paper discusses how social media helped the Malaysian main opposition coalition, Alliance of Hope (PH), to topple the ruling party, National Front (BN), which had ruled Malaysia for the last 61 years. Literature on new media rarely shows positive relationships between new media usage and voting decisions. At most, social media plays a crucial role in extending the dissemination of information to voters. However, PH had to rely solely on social media for their political marketing in reaching out to both urban and rural constituencies, as the coalition was denied access to the government-controlled mainstream media. With data-based information, PH was able to segment voters and focus on marginalised constituencies, young voters, middle-class urban voters, and rural constituencies, which were the ruling party’s main fortress, contributing to 57% of the vote. One of the misconceptions many politicians and political parties have is that merely using social media will win them the election. Ultimately, what mattered more in this case was whether political parties could register the currents of change percolating within an evolving Malaysian society and address voter grievances accordingly, something that BN, even with control over mainstream media and superior usage of social media, did not do.


2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Smith ◽  
Casey Devore ◽  
Prairie Slaven ◽  
Donald Saucier
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
J. Eric Oliver ◽  
Shang E. Ha ◽  
Zachary Callen

Local government is the hidden leviathan of American politics: it accounts for nearly a tenth of gross domestic product, it collects nearly as much in taxes as the federal government, and its decisions have an enormous impact on Americans' daily lives. Yet political scientists have few explanations for how people vote in local elections, particularly in the smaller cities, towns, and suburbs where most Americans live. Drawing on a wide variety of data sources and case studies, this book offers the first comprehensive analysis of electoral politics in America's municipalities. Arguing that current explanations of voting behavior are ill suited for most local contests, the book puts forward a new theory that highlights the crucial differences between local, state, and national democracies. Being small in size, limited in power, and largely unbiased in distributing their resources, local governments are “managerial democracies” with a distinct style of electoral politics. Instead of hinging on the partisanship, ideology, and group appeals that define national and state elections, local elections are based on the custodial performance of civic-oriented leaders and on their personal connections to voters with similarly deep community ties. Explaining not only the dynamics of local elections, Oliver's findings also upend many long-held assumptions about community power and local governance, including the importance of voter turnout and the possibilities for grassroots political change.


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