What can we learn about social media influence in the Malaysian 14th General Election?

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 264-280
Author(s):  
Samsudin A. Rahim

Abstract Social media as a new tool for political communication influences current developments in political campaigning. In combination with mainstream media, social media is increasingly used for purposes such as political marketing, mobilisation of voters, and public debate. This paper discusses how social media helped the Malaysian main opposition coalition, Alliance of Hope (PH), to topple the ruling party, National Front (BN), which had ruled Malaysia for the last 61 years. Literature on new media rarely shows positive relationships between new media usage and voting decisions. At most, social media plays a crucial role in extending the dissemination of information to voters. However, PH had to rely solely on social media for their political marketing in reaching out to both urban and rural constituencies, as the coalition was denied access to the government-controlled mainstream media. With data-based information, PH was able to segment voters and focus on marginalised constituencies, young voters, middle-class urban voters, and rural constituencies, which were the ruling party’s main fortress, contributing to 57% of the vote. One of the misconceptions many politicians and political parties have is that merely using social media will win them the election. Ultimately, what mattered more in this case was whether political parties could register the currents of change percolating within an evolving Malaysian society and address voter grievances accordingly, something that BN, even with control over mainstream media and superior usage of social media, did not do.

2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-62
Author(s):  
Hartini Basaria Natasya Sitanggang ◽  
Awang Dharmawan

Today, many people have already used new media for doing their activities, includes communicating. The benefits in opening the edges each humans and using the innovating technology makes the new media usually used by citizen. These concerns are used by the politic consultant to promote some political parties or some candidates. HaryTanoesoedibjo is one of media businessman in Indonesia who tries to take his way becoming a politician. To increase his electability in politic, a politic consultant for HaryTanoesoedibjo should be able to know the right strategies for HaryTanoesoedibjo. This study was made to know what strategies are right for HaryTanoesoedibjo. This research was using the 4Ps and PDB analysis. Besides that, this study was also intended to know the right platform for HaryTanoesoedibjo in case for succeed his way for president election. The datas in this study are from the analysis in social media and website that used by HaryTanoesoedibjo and some available literatures. Keywords: Political Marketing Strategy, New Media, HaryTanoesoedibjo,   ABSTRAK Kekuatan media baru sebagai sumber informasi politik, tidak lepas dari perkembangannya sudah menjadi media mainsream yang membangun interaktivitas bagi sesama penggunanya. Hal inilah yang dimanfaatkan oleh konsultan politik untuk mempromosikan partai politik atau kandidat perseorangan. Hary Tanoesoedibjo, sebagai salah satu pebisnis media yang memasuki jalan sebagai politisi. Dalam menaikkan popularitasnya di dunia politik, konsultan politik yang dimiliki oleh Hary Tanoesoedibjo berusaha menerapkan strategi marketing politik, karena mengingat Partai Indonesia Raya (Perindo) dan Hary Tanoesoedibjo sendiri terbilang baru dalam panging politik nasional. Studi ini dibuat untuk mengetahui bagaimana strategi marketing politik dari tim Hary Tanoesoedibjo. Penelitian ini menggunakanan konsep product, place, price, promotion, dan segmentation (4PS) dan positioning, differentiation, dan branding (PDB). Selain itu, studi ini juga ditujukan untuk mengetahui bagaimana platform media baru yang digunakan oleh Hary Tanoesoedibjo sebagai ketua Partai Persatuan Indonesia (Perindo). Kata kunci: Strategi Marketing Politik, Media baru, Hary Tanoesodibjo.


Author(s):  
Dilan Ciftci

This study advances the findings that political party social media adaptation and social media attention have contributed to the election campaigning in North Cyprus. The 2018 general election success could be understood by looking deeply into the social media attention of political parties and electorates. While the sample that has been chosen for this study shows different patterns in their content of the social media shares, it is true to say that this study put an emphasis on the elements of political ads through social media account. The findings show that political parties in North Cyprus have communicated through social media, especially in horse-race periods compared with the other periods.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Setiya Hertanti Oktayusita ◽  
Basuki Agus Suparno ◽  
Christina Rochayanti

Gerindra presented an ad under the title of “Indonesia Bergerak Bersama Gerindra dan Rakyat version Sarjana Kerja Kerja Kerja!”, but due to the use of symbols and visualization, it became viral and caused controversy in the community. This study aims to determine the opinion of millennials response after watching the ads. The research is qualitative research approach used is the analysis of the reception, the technique of collecting data is using interviews, observation and document analysis. The theory used to analyze the meaning of the audience is the encoding-decoding, reception analysis theory and new media theory. The result of this study indicate three position of millennials reception, namely a dominant, negotiated, and oppositional position. In the dominant position, it’s considered as a good political ad because it successfully criticizes the government by presenting the reality of the existing problems. In the negotiating position, millennials saw the ads containing a message of criticism without a solution, in this condition millennials refused some symbols such as the use of profession symbols and titles in it, while in the opposition position, millennials considered the ads irrelevant and interpret it as a black campaign. There are several factors that become the benchmark of the millennials in perceiving that ads in social media like the character of millennials, education background, job, experience and view or tendencies to political parties. This research contributes in the form of policy recommendations to the Gerinda Party to pay more attention to solutions to criticism of advertising so as not to cause new problems.


2016 ◽  
Vol 159 (1) ◽  
pp. 118-128
Author(s):  
Maya Ranganathan

The Indian national election in 2014 marked the emergence of social media as a significant site of political campaigning. The sweeping of the polls by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), led by the party’s prime ministerial candidate, Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi, who employed social media extensively in his campaign, has drawn further attention to the hitherto ‘alternative media’ space. ‘Alternative media’ has been positioned and studied in relation to mainstream media. This article illustrates the ways in which the perceptions of mainstream media in a liberalised economy contoured the ‘alternative media’ space, limiting its potential to lead to radical and transformative processes of communication. In the process, the article interrogates the online space occupied by political parties and activists in the context of theoretical understandings of ‘alternative’ and ‘critical’ media. The article flags the need for, and the significance of, sustained study of the emerging new media space to understand the process of reconstitution of the Indian public space.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-79
Author(s):  
Masad Masrur Buchori

The agenda setting of Mass Media in Indonesia, which tends to be pro towards the presence of the Job Creation Law, is considered not an actual articulation of the public interest (receiver) which it should represent. Theory, research, and even digital surveys involving the mass media as news subjects (channels) assess that the mass media are trapped in insignificant, normative news and do not accommodate counter opinions in an objective and balanced manner. The public then uses new media, especially social media, to mobilize a movement against the Job Creation Law, or to broadly mobilize pro-democracy forces through this movement. Although social media is not a mass media that applies measurable journalistic principles, social media offers digitization, convergence, interactivity, and development of network, which are considered more effective in articulating the true public interest in political communication towards the government as the messenger (sender). Keywords: government; job creation law; mass media; social media  


2019 ◽  
pp. 97-108
Author(s):  
Artur Urbaniak

The purpose of this article is to provide a theoretical framework for the contemporary process of political communication. It emphasizes the changing roles of the senders/receivers within the process and it postulates unprecedented opportunities offered by the emergence of the New Media. As for the empirical research, we discuss the results of the study that has been conducted to further the understanding of how the younger generation, aged 20-25 (herein referred to as Digital Natives), process and comprehend the news media content, with special attention to political messages. It was initially hypothesized that the main source of information about politics and the surrounding world is the Internet and the social media in particular. The paper discusses the results of the study showing that the alternative news websites and social media, understood as the opposite to what is known as the mainstream media, have been gaining ground. Concurrently, the study discovered the students’ declining interest in traditional institutional mainstream-controlled media (i.e. press, radio or television).


Journalism ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (8) ◽  
pp. 985-993 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Cushion ◽  
Daniel Jackson

This introduction unpacks the eight articles that make up this Journalism special issue about election reporting. Taken together, the articles ask: How has election reporting evolved over the last century across different media? Has the relationship between journalists and candidates changed in the digital age of campaigning? How do contemporary news values influence campaign coverage? Which voices – politicians, say or journalists – are most prominent? How far do citizens inform election coverage? How is public opinion articulated in the age of social media? Are sites such as Twitter developing new and distinctive election agendas? In what ways does social media interact with legacy media? How well have scholars researched and theorised election reporting cross-nationally? How can research agendas be enhanced? Overall, we argue this Special Issue demonstrates the continued strength of news media during election campaigns. This is in spite of social media platforms increasingly disrupting and recasting the agenda setting power of legacy media, not least by political parties and candidates who are relying more heavily on sites such as Facebook, Instagram and Twitter to campaign. But while debates in recent years have centred on the technological advances in political communication and the associated role of social media platforms during election campaigns (e.g. microtargeting voters, spreading disinformation/misinformation and allowing candidates to bypass media to campaign), our collection of studies signal the enduring influence professional journalists play in selecting and framing of news. Put more simply, how elections are reported still profoundly matters in spite of political parties’ and candidates’ more sophisticated use of digital campaigning.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marta N. Lukacovic

This study analyzes securitized discourses and counter narratives that surround the COVID-19 pandemic. Controversial cases of security related political communication, salient media enunciations, and social media reframing are explored through the theoretical lenses of securitization and cascading activation of framing in the contexts of Slovakia, Russia, and the United States. The first research question explores whether and how the frame element of moral evaluation factors into the conversations on the securitization of the pandemic. The analysis tracks the framing process through elite, media, and public levels of communication. The second research question focused on fairly controversial actors— “rogue actors” —such as individuals linked to far-leaning political factions or militias. The proliferation of digital media provides various actors with opportunities to join publicly visible conversations. The analysis demonstrates that the widely differing national contexts offer different trends and degrees in securitization of the pandemic during spring and summer of 2020. The studied rogue actors usually have something to say about the pandemic, and frequently make some reframing attempts based on idiosyncratic evaluations of how normatively appropriate is their government's “war” on COVID-19. In Slovakia, the rogue elite actors at first failed to have an impact but eventually managed to partially contest the dominant frame. Powerful Russian media influencers enjoy some conspiracy theories but prudently avoid direct challenges to the government's frame, and so far only marginal rogue actors openly advance dissenting frames. The polarized political and media environment in the US has shown to create a particularly fertile ground for rogue grassroots movements that utilize online platforms and social media, at times going as far as encouragement of violent acts to oppose the government and its pandemic response policy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (6) ◽  
pp. 806-817
Author(s):  
Patrick Amfo Anim ◽  
Frederick Okyere Asiedu ◽  
Matilda Adams ◽  
George Acheampong ◽  
Ernestina Boakye

Purpose This paper aims to explore the relationships between political marketing via social media and young voters’ political participation in Ghana. Additionally, this study examines the mediating role political efficacy plays in enhancing the relationship. Design/methodology/approach With a positivist mindset, and adopting the survey strategy, data gathered from the questionnaire administered from the sampled 320 young voters (18-29 years) in Greater Accra were quantitatively analyzed. An exploratory factor analysis (EFA), confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) and structural equation modeling (SEM) were used to assess and confirm the proposed scales validity and the relationships of the research model. Findings The study revealed that a political party or candidate’s ability to achieve political participation from Ghanaian young voters’ is dependent on how effective they build customer relationship or gaining visibility through social media. In addition, the study showed that political efficacy mediates the relationship between customer relationship building or gaining visibility through social media and political participation among Ghana young voters. Thus, young voters in Ghana must see themselves to have a say in the affairs of political parties through the political messages they gather from social media platforms to enhance their political participation activities. Practical implications The results of this paper will enable political marketers and politicians not only in Ghana but across the globe, to better understand how social media as a communication tool could be used to positively influence users’ political participation. Originality/value Considering the uniqueness of this study in a Ghanaian context, this paper is the first of its kind to use the social capital theory in examining the mediating role political efficacy plays in enhancing the relationship between political marketing on social media and young voters’ political participation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 79-90
Author(s):  
Iswandi Syahputra ◽  
Rajab Ritonga

Citizen journalism was initially practiced via mass media. This is because citizens trusted mass media as an independent information channel, and social media like Twitter was unavailable. Following mass media’s affiliation to political parties and the rise of social media, citizens began using Twitter for delivering news or information. We dub this as citizen journalism from street to tweet. This study found that such process indicates the waning of mass media and the intensification of social media. Yet, the process neither strengthened citizen journalism nor increased public participation as it resulted in netizens experiencing severe polarization between groups critical and in support of the government instead. We consider this as a new emerging phenomenon caused by the advent of new media in the post-truth era. In this context, post-truth refers to social and political conditions wherein citizens no longer respect the truth due to political polarization, fake-news-producing journalist, hate-mongering citizen journalism, and unregulated social media activities. Primary data were obtained through in-depth interviews with four informants. While conversation data of netizens on Twitter were acquired from a Twitter conversation reader operated by DEA (Drone Emprit Academic), a big data system capable of capturing and analyzing netizen’s conversations, particularly on Twitter in real time. This study may have implications on the shift of citizen journalism due to its presence in the era of new media. The most salient feature in this new period is the obscurity of news, information, and opinions conveyed by citizens via social media, like Twitter.


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