scholarly journals Hagia Sophia dan Kebangkitan Politik Islam di Turki?

POLITEA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 153
Author(s):  
Umi Qodarsasi ◽  
Melina Nurul Khofifah

<p><strong>Hagia Sophia and the rise of Islamic politics in Turkey. </strong>Erdogan’s decision to take over Hagia Sophia as a mosque has received any responses from various parties both those who supported and critized it, from the government officials to the general public. Some of Muslim-majority countries generally support the Turkish government policy. However, domestically, the debate over this decision devide Turkish people into religious and secular parties. This paper aims to identifies why the shifted of Hagia Sophia as a mosque has become a monumental event and how its impact toward the growing of Islamic movements in Turkey.</p>

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Cem Tecimer

On July 2, 2020, a division of Turkey’s highest administrative appellate court annulled[reference_link 1] a 1934 presidential decision[reference_link 2] by Kemal Ataturk, founding president of Turkey, converting Hagia Sophia (tr. Aya Sofya) into a museum.  Days later, on July 10, 2020, Recep Tayyip Erdogan issued a decision[reference_link 3] based on the court ruling, restoring its status as a mosque open to worship and transferring its maintenance to the country’s Presidency of Religious Affairs. Following a Turkish administrative court ruling that revoked an earlier administrative decision (1934) converting the mosque into a museum, President Erdogan of Turkey was expected[reference_link 4] to restore Hagia Sophia’s status as a mosque.  Upon his decision to restore the site’s status as a mosque open to worship, Erdogan personally inspected[reference_link 5] the site and the preparations to have it ready for the Friday prayer on July 24, 2020. The government quickly named[reference_link 6] 3 imāms, one a professor of religious studies, for Hagia Sophia. On July 24, 2020, Erdogan, accompanied by top government officials and politicians, participated[reference_link 7] in the first Friday prayer at the site after a 86-year hiatus where he recited passages from the Qur’ān. 350,000 people are estimated[reference_link 8] to have been in attendance). For further context, see the Case Roundup on the Islamic Law Blog.[reference_link 9]


2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 256
Author(s):  
Mustofa Kamal ◽  
Riyadi Santosa ◽  
Djatmika Djatmika

This research investigates how journalists behave in texts. The analysis focuses on the exploitation of attitudinal lexis. This is qualitatively explored through attitude and graduation. The data sources were columns of news, taken from an online version of The Jakarta Post on June sixth 2016. Having been selected using criterion-based sampling technique, the sources of data resulted in six chemical castration texts. The procedure of investigation consists of domain, taxonomic, componential, and cultural value analysis. The result shows that journalists are relatively subjective in reporting news by unbalancing the pros and cons, relatively inconsistent in work from delivering news to criticizing government officials, and relatively provocative by up-scaling critical evaluations against the government policy on sex offenders.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-43
Author(s):  
Muhammad Arifin Ritonga

Skills in building relationships and community relations is an art as well as a social science discipline that analyzes various tendencies, predicts every possible consequence of each activity, gives input and suggestions to organizational leaders, and implements planned action programs to serve organizational needs and or the interests of the audience. Operationally, establishing community relations in an organization (education institution) can be done in various ways, including through the provision and or use of shared facilities, the implementation of activities to improve students' abilities, the utilization of Human Resources in mutualism. This study aims to determine the implementation that has been, is being, and will be pursued by an Islamic educational institution (pesantren) in fostering and establishing cooperative relations with the government and the wider community. The data of this study were obtained through observation and interviews with a number of resource persons who were directly involved in the process of the pesantren academic community and several related stakeholders. The data obtained is then analyzed qualitatively descriptive. From the results of the study it was found that the implementation fostered cooperative relations with the government or the general public in Darul Amin Modern Islamic Boarding School, can be seen from: a. structural involvement of Islamic Boarding Schools in the ranks of regional and level II regional governments; b. absorption of teacher workforce from the general public, especially the community around the pesantren and also the absorption of educators and education in Islamic boarding schools that can take part in the community; c. involvement of the general public and government officials at important pesantren events; d. transparent reporting at a reasonable stage.  


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 326
Author(s):  
Muzayyin Ahyar ◽  
Ni’matul Huda

The main purpose of this article is to discuss Islamic constitutionalism in the context of Indonesian social movements. Constitutionalism is part of the study of constitutional law when the discussion focuses on the concept of limiting the power of the government. Using historical and sociological approaches, this article examines socio-political circumstances in Muslim society and their relationship to the spirit of constitutionalism in Indonesia. Indonesia does not explicitly name any particular religion in its Constitution, even though most of its population is Muslim. After a series of constitutional reforms over 1999– 2002, there was no formalization of Islam in the Constitution. Two important academic questions arise when dealing with this phenomenon. First, to what extent are Indonesia’s religious social movements involved in constructing the narrative of constitutionalism? Second, how do the spirit of constitutionalism and Islam play a role in strengthening Indonesia’s Constitution? This article notes that some Muslims in Indonesia have been striving to build a narrative of Islamic constitutionalism through social movements since the nation’s pre- independence era. Nevertheless, this Islamic constitutionalism has not resulted in the formalization of an Islamic constitution in Indonesia due to several factors: the historical roots of the nation’s establishment, the pluralist stance of Indonesia’s mainstream civil Islamic movements, and the presence of the Pancasila as the state ideology. This article also reveals that Indonesia’s Muslim majority and religious authorities play a role in building the spirit of constitutionalism; however, the formalization of a specific religion as the basis of the constitution has never been realized in Indonesia.


2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 256
Author(s):  
Mustofa Kamal ◽  
Riyadi Santosa ◽  
Djatmika Djatmika

ABSTRACTThis research investigates how journalists behave in texts. The analysis focuses on the exploitation of attitudinal lexis. This is qualitatively explored through attitude and graduation. The data sources were columns of news, taken from an online version of The Jakarta Post on June sixth 2016. Having been selected using criterion-based sampling technique, the sources of data resulted in six chemical castration texts. The procedure of investigation consists of domain, taxonomic, componential, and cultural value analysis. The result shows that journalists are relatively subjective in reporting news by unbalancing the pros and cons, relatively inconsistent in work from delivering news to criticizing government officials, and relatively provocative by up-scaling critical evaluations against the government policy on sex offenders. Keywords: attitude, graduation, chemical castration, journalists, evaluations


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-14
Author(s):  
Iwan Kuswandi ◽  
Muh Barid Barid Nizarudin Wajdi ◽  
Umar Al Faruq ◽  
Zulhijra Zulhijra ◽  
Khairudin Khairudin ◽  
...  

This paper discusses the study about village government policy towards regional head regulation regarding the obligations of the madrasa diniyah program. The results of this study, madrasah diniyah is community based education, from, by and for the community.In life with the community, government officials in the village, they live with the community. They know and understand the problems of the madrasahdiniyah in their village. Existing reality,government officials in the village cannot carelessly channel aid from the village fund program from the government, because in its rules, it does not explicitly mention assistance for madrasahdiniyah, instead it is available for early childhood education.There is a regulation from the regional head regarding the mandatory madrasah diniyah program,then there is BOSDA funding, however backfired for madrasahdiniyah education, their number increased from the number before the regulation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 126-134
Author(s):  
Agung Perdana Kusuma

In the 18th century, although the Dutch Company controlled most of the archipelago, the Netherlands also experienced a decline in trade. This was due to the large number of corrupt employees and the fall in the price of spices which eventually created the VOC. Under the rule of H.W. Daendels, the colonial government began to change the way of exploitation from the old conservative way which focused on trade through the VOC to exploitation managed by the government and the private sector. Ulama also strengthen their ties with the general public through judicial management, and compensation, and waqaf assets, and by leading congregational prayers and various ceremonies for celebrating birth, marriage and death. Their links with a large number of artisans, workers (workers), and the merchant elite were very influential.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Laurence

This book traces how governments across Western Europe have responded to the growing presence of Muslim immigrants in their countries over the past fifty years. Drawing on hundreds of in-depth interviews with government officials and religious leaders in France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Morocco, and Turkey, the book challenges the widespread notion that Europe's Muslim minorities represent a threat to liberal democracy. The book documents how European governments in the 1970s and 1980s excluded Islam from domestic institutions, instead inviting foreign powers like Saudi Arabia, Algeria, and Turkey to oversee the practice of Islam among immigrants in European host societies. But since the 1990s, amid rising integration problems and fears about terrorism, governments have aggressively stepped up efforts to reach out to their Muslim communities and incorporate them into the institutional, political, and cultural fabrics of European democracy. The book places these efforts—particularly the government-led creation of Islamic councils—within a broader theoretical context and gleans insights from government interactions with groups such as trade unions and Jewish communities at previous critical junctures in European state-building. By examining how state–mosque relations in Europe are linked to the ongoing struggle for religious and political authority in the Muslim-majority world, the book sheds light on the geopolitical implications of a religious minority's transition from outsiders to citizens. This book offers a much-needed reassessment that foresees the continuing integration of Muslims into European civil society and politics in the coming decades.


2020 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 293-317
Author(s):  
Protopriest Alexander Romanchuk

The article studies the system of pre-conditions that caused the onset of the uniat clergy’s movement towards Orthodoxy in the Russian Empire in the beginning of the 19th century. The author comes to the conclusion that the tendency of the uniat clergy going back to Orthodoxy was the result of certain historic conditions, such as: 1) constant changes in the government policy during the reign of Emperor Pavel I and Emperor Alexander I; 2) increasing latinization of the uniat church service after 1797 and Latin proselytism that were the result of the distrust of the uniats on the part of Roman curia and representatives of Polish Catholic Church of Latin church service; 3) ecclesiastical contradictions made at the Brest Church Union conclusion; 4) division of the uniat clergy into discordant groups and the increase of their opposition to each other on the issue of latinization in the first decades of the 19th century. The combination of those conditions was a unique phenomenon that never repeated itself anywhere.


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