scholarly journals Islamic Constitutionalism: Social Movement and the Framework of the Indonesian Constitution

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 326
Author(s):  
Muzayyin Ahyar ◽  
Ni’matul Huda
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Islamic Movements ◽  
Muslim Society ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
Religious Social Movements ◽  
Independence Era ◽  
The Government ◽  
Sociological Approaches

The main purpose of this article is to discuss Islamic constitutionalism in the context of Indonesian social movements. Constitutionalism is part of the study of constitutional law when the discussion focuses on the concept of limiting the power of the government. Using historical and sociological approaches, this article examines socio-political circumstances in Muslim society and their relationship to the spirit of constitutionalism in Indonesia. Indonesia does not explicitly name any particular religion in its Constitution, even though most of its population is Muslim. After a series of constitutional reforms over 1999– 2002, there was no formalization of Islam in the Constitution. Two important academic questions arise when dealing with this phenomenon. First, to what extent are Indonesia’s religious social movements involved in constructing the narrative of constitutionalism? Second, how do the spirit of constitutionalism and Islam play a role in strengthening Indonesia’s Constitution? This article notes that some Muslims in Indonesia have been striving to build a narrative of Islamic constitutionalism through social movements since the nation’s pre- independence era. Nevertheless, this Islamic constitutionalism has not resulted in the formalization of an Islamic constitution in Indonesia due to several factors: the historical roots of the nation’s establishment, the pluralist stance of Indonesia’s mainstream civil Islamic movements, and the presence of the Pancasila as the state ideology. This article also reveals that Indonesia’s Muslim majority and religious authorities play a role in building the spirit of constitutionalism; however, the formalization of a specific religion as the basis of the constitution has never been realized in Indonesia.

GERAKAN SOSIAL MASYARAKAT KAMPUNG LABALUBA DESA KONTUMERE KECAMATAN KABAWO KABUPATEN MUNA TAHUN 1960-1980

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurwan Nurwan ◽  
Ali Hadara ◽  
La Batia
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Movement Process ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Village ◽  
The City

ABSTRAK: Inti pokok masalah dalam penelitian ini meliputi latar belakang gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna, Faktor-faktor yang mendorong gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna, proses gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna dan akibat gerakan sosial masyarakat Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna? Latar belakang gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba yaitu keadaan kampungnya yang hanya terdiri dari beberapa kepala keluarga tiap kampung dan jarak yang jauh masing-masing kampung membuat keadaan masyarakatnya sulit untuk berkomnikasi dan tiap kampung hanya terdiri dari lima sampai dengan tujuh kepala keluarga saja. Kampung ini letaknya paling timur pulau Muna terbentang dari ujung kota Raha sekarang sampai kampung Wakuru yang saat ini. Kondisi ini juga yang menjadi salah satu faktor penyebab kampung ini kurang berkembang baik dibidang ekonomi, sosial politik, pendidikan maupun di bidang kebudayaan. Keadaan ini diperparah lagi dengan sifat dan karakter penduduknya yang masih sangat primitif. Faktor yang mendorong adanya gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna adalah adanya ketidaksesuaian antara keinginan pemerintah setempat dan masyarakat yang mendiami Kampung Labaluba pada waktu itu. Sedangkan proses gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna bermula ketika pemerintah seolah memaksakan kehendaknya kepada rakyat yang menyebabkan rakyat tidak setuju dengan kebijakan tersebut. Akibat yang ditimbulkan dari adanya gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna terbagi dua yaitu akibat positif dan akibat negatif.Kata Kunci: Gerakan Sosial, Factor dan Dampaknya ABSTRACT: The main issues in this study include the background of the social movement of Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District, Muna District, Factors that encourage social movements of Labaluba Kampung Sub-village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District, Muna District, the social movement process of Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District Muna Regency and due to Labaluba community social movements Kontumere Village Kabawo District Muna Regency? The background of the Labaluba Kampung community social movement is that the condition of the village consists of only a few heads of households per village and the distance of each village makes it difficult for the community to communicate and each village only consists of five to seven households. This village is located east of the island of Muna stretching from the edge of the city of Raha now to the current village of Wakuru. This condition is also one of the factors causing the village to be less developed in the economic, social political, educational and cultural fields. This situation is made worse by the very primitive nature and character of the population. The factor that motivated the existence of the social movement of Labaluba Village in Kontumere Village, Kabawo Subdistrict, Muna Regency was the mismatch between the wishes of the local government and the people who inhabited Labaluba Village at that time. While the process of social movements in Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo District, Muna Regency began when the government seemed to impose its will on the people, causing the people to disagree with the policy. The consequences arising from the existence of social movements in Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo District, Muna Regency are divided into two, namely positive and negative effects. Keywords: Social Movements, Factors and their Impacts

Political Opportunity Structure, Contentious Social Movements, and State-Based Organizations: The Fight against Solidarity inside the Polish United Workers Party

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 359-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack M. Bloom
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
The State ◽  
Reform Movement ◽  
Political Opportunity Structure ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Opportunity Structure ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government

Studies of social movements have often focused on the role of the state vis-à-vis social movements—in recent times using the concept of political opportunity structure to understand the options available to social movements. This article examines the internal conflicts within the ruling party in Communist Poland to show that a reciprocal process proceeded, in which both the social movement and the state found the choices of action available to them limited by the other, rather than just the social movement. The social upheaval that impacted the entire country brought about the rise of a reform movement within the ruling Polish United Workers Party, which prevented the government from acting as it preferred for a significant period of time. That reform movement, which would not have existed without Solidarity and certainly would not have brought about intraparty changes by itself, saw itself as connected to and dependent upon Solidarity. Party conservatives had to respond to and overcome the reformers before they could turn their full attention to ending the challenge Solidarity presented to the Communist system. In effect, for a time, Solidarity limited the political opportunity structure of the state, while the reverse was also true. While social movement scholars have long considered the possibilities and the limits on possibilities available to social movements because of the state or other external circumstances, this experience demonstrates that similar considerations must sometimes be contemplated with respect to the state.

Social Movements and Constitutionalism in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (S1) ◽  
pp. S51-S75
Author(s):  
Ngoc Son BUI
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
East Asian ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Positive Account ◽  
Comparative Constitutional Law ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Full Consideration

AbstractThis article considers whether the academic inquiry of comparative constitutionalism in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan may be further developed by a full consideration of the relevance of social movements. Integrating social movement theories into comparative constitutional law, this article argues that a more nuanced positive account of the creation and consolidation of constitutionalism in these East Asian polities must be situated within the engagement of social movements in discursive venues for formal and informal constitutional change.

scholarly journals Optimalisasi Pengelolaan Wakaf (Studi di Kabupaten Demak)

AL- ADALAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 333
Author(s):  
Riyanto Riyanto
Keyword(s):  
Social Values ◽  
Economic Institutions ◽  
Religious Institution ◽  
Religious Orders ◽  
Muslim Society ◽  
Normative Approach ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Status ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
The Government

Waqf, as one of the Islamic social and economic institutions has enormous potentials in encouraging efforts to improve people’s economy. As a country with a huge population and the Muslim majority, Indonesia needs to explore and develops the potential of this religious institution. The combination of religious orders and social values can be utilized as a strong ideological backdrop for the government in managing waqfs so as to grow and be productive. This study tries to examine the status of land endowed in wakaf in Demak district before and after the enactment of Waqaf Law Number 41/ 2004 as well as to identify factors supporting and hindering efforts to optimize wakaf empowerment. This research used a socio-normative approach and it was conducted in several locations within Demak Regency. This study reveals that wakaf institutions in Demak Regency have not been able to improve the welfare of the community. This is because a lot of wakaf land in the area are not managed professionally and productively. Therefore, in the future, it is necessary to develop the professionalism of the Nazir (curator) so that Wakaf institutions can be developed optimally and innovatively to achieve the prosperity of muslim society.

Campaign for development, social movement and revolution

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
A.S. Adeniran
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Social Inclusion ◽  
Karl Marx ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
The Social ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

Social movement and revolution are tools used to shape social changes. Social movement aims to advance a group’s agenda either by rectifying cultural drifts, social disorganizations and social injustice but revolution aims to unseat the government or to transform the entire political order. Based on archival evidence, this article examines the impact of social movement on the manifestations and modifications of specific socio-cultural policies of democratic governments in Nigeria. Though there are commonalities and differentials between social movements and revolutions, there is a strong linkage between the two concepts. Social movement is largely an event on a micro-level while revolution is on a macro-level. Social movement engages limited violence and often resorts to thoughtful persuasion, but revolution enlists unlimited violence that manifests in gritty coercion. However, recently in Nigeria, a number of online social movements have developed and they strive to give voice to the voiceless in the socio-political structure, as well as gaining recognition online and offline, so as to promote social development within the polity. Karl Marx upholds that conflict is inevitable in the social structure yet it can be concluded that most of the fundamental developments in human history, such as national independence, democracy, social justice, social inclusion and civil/human rights have been won on the platform of social movement. There are hierarchical or stratified social relations in the society which breeds social struggle within the class systems. Unequivocally, social movements are bound to arise wherever social conditions are unfavorable. Key words: socio-cultural, social movement, revolution, development

Islamic Social Movements and Political Unrest in Nigerian History

2018 ◽  
pp. 566-582
Author(s):  
Abimbola Adesoji
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Religious Affiliation ◽  
Common Goal ◽  
Islamic Movements ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Political Unrest ◽  
Global Nature ◽  
The Impact

Islamic movements have emerged nationally and globally with diverse ideologies and strategies but with the seemingly common goal of purifying, promoting, defending, or entrenching the cause of Islam. While some appear to have taken root locally, others were inspired by foreign influence. However, the global nature of the movement and its pervasive influence have ensured that doctrinal teachings, cross-border movements, desire for religious affiliation have played a major role in their growth and impacts. This chapter explores the emergence, growth, and dynamics of Islamic social movement in Nigeria. A major thesis running through the chapter is the impact of earlier movements on latter ones with latter movements attaining higher levels of extremism depending on the available space within which they could operate. The impact of the movements are better seen in the general unrest accompanying their activities and the legacy of recurrent fundamentalism that they left behind.

scholarly journals O MOVIMENTO SOCIAL NEGRO NA FORMAÇÃO DA AGENDA GOVERNAMENTAL: um estudo de caso do Plano Juventude Viva

Caderno CRH ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (87) ◽  
pp. 623
Author(s):  
Sandra Gomes ◽  
Joana Moura ◽  
Jenair Alves
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Decision Making ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Social Participation ◽  
Politique Publique ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Mouvements Sociaux ◽  
The Government ◽  
Participation Sociale

<p>A partir da discussão sobre o grau de efetividade da participação social na formulação de políticas públicas, este artigo apresenta um caso de sucesso em que parte das demandas de movimentos sociais entra na agenda governamental e se torna uma política. Para fazer a análise do Plano Juventude Viva – uma política com foco nos homicídios de jovens negros e no racismo institucional –, o estudo adota uma estratégia analítica que combina teorias de movimentos sociais e participação com teorias sobre políticas públicas. O histórico de construção dessa agenda temática pelos ativistas de movimentos e dos apoios recebidos revela como o problema dos homicídios de jovens negros se tornou uma pauta prioritária em fóruns participativos. Em seguida, o artigo mostra o momento em que se abre uma janela política, gerando uma oportunidade para ativistas, na burocracia estatal, de explorar a inserção dessa temática na agenda governamental. A análise da configuração institucional da arena decisória no governo e dos atores ali presentes, por fim, explica a política final adotada e seu conteúdo. A contribuição da análise institucional para a explicação da efetividade é um achado que sugere uma possibilidade analítica para a agenda de pesquisa sobre participação e políticas públicas.</p><p> </p><p>THE BLACK SOCIAL MOVEMENT IN THE FORMATION OF THE GOVERNMENTAL AGENDA: a case study of the Plano Juventude Viva</p><p>Based on studies analyzing social participation effectiveness into public policy formulation, this article presents a case of success in which part of the demands from social movements were adopted as a government policy. In order to analyze the “Young Persons Living Plan” – a policy focusing on the high levels of homicide among young black people in Brazil and on institutional racism – this study adopts an analytical strategy which combines theories of social movement and participation with public policy theories. The historical construction of this issue by social movement activists and also the support received by other political actors reveals how the issue of homicide among black youths became a priority agenda in participatory forums. Subsequently, the article shows the moment where a political window is opened which produced an opportunity for activists inside the state bureaucracy to explore the entering of the issue into the government agenda. Finally, the analysis of the institutional configuration of the decision-making arena within the government apparatus and of the political actors involved in the process explains the final public policy adopted and its substantive content. The contribution of the adopted institutionalist perspective to explain effectiveness is considered to be a useful finding for the research agenda on participation and public policies.</p><p>Keywords: Social movements. Social participation effectiveness. Decision-making arenas. Young Persons Living Plan Brazil. Multiple streams model.</p><p> </p><p>LE MOUVEMENT SOCIAL NOIR DANS LA FORMATION DE L’AGENDA GOUVERNEMENTAL: une étude de cas du Plano Juventude Viva</p><p>A partir de la discussion sur le degré d’efficacité de la participation sociale dans la formulation de la politique publique, cet article présente un exemple de réussite où une partie des revendications des mouvements sociaux sont entrées dans le programme du gouvernement et devenues une politique. Pour ce faire, l’analyse du Plan Jeunesse Viva – une politique axée sur les homicides chez les jeunes noirs et le racisme institutionnel – notre recherche adopte une stratégie d’analyse qui combine les théories des mouvements sociaux et de la participation avec les théories des politiques publiques. L’histoire de la construction de ce programme thématique par les militants des mouvements et le soutien reçu révèle comment le problème des homicides des jeunes noirs est devenu une priorité au programme des forums participatifs. Ensuite, l’article montre à quel moment le politique s’ouvre à la revendication, créant ainsi une opportunité pour les militants appartenant à la bureaucratie d’Etat de mettre cette question à l’ordre du jour du gouvernement. L’analyse de l’organisation institutionnelle de la structure de prise de décision au sein du gouvernement ainsi que des acteurs présents, explique la politique finale adoptée et son contenu. L’objet de l’analyse institutionnelle que nous avons aadoptée pour expliquer l’efficacité est de trouver ce que suggère une capacité d’analyse à la recherche d’ordre du jour sur la participation et la politique publique.</p><p>Mots-clés: Mouvements sociaux. Efficacité de la participation sociale. Arénas de décision. Plan Jeunesse Viva Brésil. Modèle de flux multiples.</p>

scholarly journals Hagia Sophia dan Kebangkitan Politik Islam di Turki?

POLITEA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 153
Author(s):  
Umi Qodarsasi ◽  
Melina Nurul Khofifah
Keyword(s):  
Government Policy ◽  
General Public ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Islamic Movements ◽  
Turkish Government ◽  
Turkish People ◽  
Hagia Sophia ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
Islamic Politics ◽  
The Government

<p><strong>Hagia Sophia and the rise of Islamic politics in Turkey. </strong>Erdogan’s decision to take over Hagia Sophia as a mosque has received any responses from various parties both those who supported and critized it, from the government officials to the general public. Some of Muslim-majority countries generally support the Turkish government policy. However, domestically, the debate over this decision devide Turkish people into religious and secular parties. This paper aims to identifies why the shifted of Hagia Sophia as a mosque has become a monumental event and how its impact toward the growing of Islamic movements in Turkey.</p>

scholarly journals PROVIDING POST TRUTH ERA: SOCIAL MOVEMENT OF CADRE TEAMS IN RESOLVE THE HOAX OF HEALTH INFORMATION

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-18
Author(s):  
Ditha Prasanti ◽  
Sri Seti Indriani ◽  
Ikhsan Fuady
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Health Information ◽  
Health Program ◽  
Medical Personnel ◽  
Movement Training ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Times ◽  
Program Output ◽  
And Training

The post truth era has become a new vocabulary for cadres who never give up in following the times. But who would have thought that the post truth era would also lead to a dilemma that never ended after unsettling the cadre team in Cibeusi village. The cadre team that was incorporated from 3 RWs including RW 06, RW 014, and RW 015 also showed their dedication through regular social activities. Therefore, the authors use a qualitative approach through data collection techniques in the form of observation and interviews. The results obtained show the following; 1) designing social movements as an effort made by the Cibeusi cadre team in overcoming health information hoaks and the post truth era; 2) the Cibeusi cadre team's social movement implementation consists of 3 words, namely active, innovative, and creative; 3) cadre team social movements include communication programs in the form of counseling and training involving academics or related medical personnel as the main sources in providing literacy movement training programs; 4) Evaluation of the ongoing literacy movement as part of the success of the government health program output.

scholarly journals State–society relations in uncertain times: Social movement strategies, ideational contestation and the pandemic in Brazil and Argentina

2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212199371
Author(s):  
Rebecca Neaera Abers ◽  
Federico M Rossi ◽  
Marisa von Bülow
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
National Government ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Movement Strategies ◽  
Emergency Responses ◽  
The Government ◽  
Policy Proposals ◽  
Government Coalition

This article compares how COVID-19 affected state–society relations differently in two relatively similar countries: Brazil and Argentina. Bringing together social movement theories and ideational institutionalism, we argue that variation in responses to the COVID-19 pandemic is explained by the different roles played by social movements inside and outside government and by contrasting ideational disputes. The extreme uncertainty introduced by the pandemic generated intense contestation about the meaning of the crisis and how to resolve it. In Brazil, progressive social movements not only were excluded from the government coalition, but also had to combat a powerful discourse that denied the existence of a crisis altogether. Such denialism did not flourish in the same way in Argentina, where progressive social movements were part of national government processes. The result was that in Argentina, movement–government dynamics revolved around constructing long-term policy proposals, whereas in Brazil movements focused on short-term emergency responses.

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