scholarly journals Política, Políticas e Imigração Internacional no Brasil: mudanças recentes e perspectivas

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-192
Author(s):  
Roberto Rodolfo Georg Uebel ◽  
Caroline Adorne Da Silva

From the field surveys performed in the South, Centre-West, Southeast and North regions of Brazil between 2014 and 2018, new migration routes, transbordering relationships of human mobility and the impacts of the desired South and Latin American regional integration were identified in the immigration profile of Brazil. In this sense, this article aims to review the cartographies, policies, routes and the state of the art of international immigration in Brazil for the last five years, which saw profound changes in the domestic and foreign scenarios. From the country of the “Brazilian dream” of Latin Americans and Caribbeans, the country changed to the country of remigrations and forced emigrations, including refugees who settled here during the short period of the migratory Eldorado. Using the instruments of thematic mapping, which is now revisited and revised in relation to our previous productions, we will discuss what remained of the “new immigration country” from the ruptures that occurred with the 2016 impeachment and with the approval and effectiveness of the new Immigration Law from 2017. The article also broaches the recent discussions on the migration of Venezuelan refugees to the Brazilian territory and its repercussions on the Latin American integration project, apparently discontinued with the rise of such disorganized governments in the region. Finally, we bring in topics the immigration perspectives for Brazil in the coming years and linked to issues of defence, geopolitics and geoeconomics, including also the discussion on environmental migration.

2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (199) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
María Victoria Alvarez

Literature on opposition to regional integration has concentrated on the European Union (EU). So far, very few systematic attempts have been pursued to explain opposition to regional integration in Latin America or to identify its main influential factors. Based on Latinobarometer surveys, two main findings emerge from this paper. First, it confirms that opposition to regional integration is not a generalised attitude among Latin Americans. Secondly, the way in which citizens across Latin America evaluate regional integration is strongly influenced by the same predictors as in the EU. Together, citizens’ assessments of economic performance (both at the individual and national level) enjoy a preponderance to account for their position regarding regionalism. Others variables, i.e. age, ideological position, and level of education have a more limited explanatory value while occupation is not significant. Thus, economic variables such as citizens’ perceptions of their national and individual economy have proven to be directly linked to support for/opposition to economic integration.


GeoTextos ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mónica Arroyo

Consideramos América Latina como um conjunto de territórios nacionais com relações de cooperação e conflito em permanente redefinição; territórios usados por agentes com diferentes força e poder que expressam uma multiplicidade de interesses e contradições. A partir deste pressuposto, analisamos os novos elementos da conjuntura político-econômica desde os anos 2000 bem como os novos conteúdos no discurso e na orientação de instituições latino-americanas. Ao apontar as diferentes iniciativas de integração traçadas num lapso de uma década e meia, observamos que, ainda sobre a base de dissensos e de perspectivas muitas vezes opostas, predomina principalmente a convergência em torno de uma integração regional soberana. Mas, pelas recentes mudanças de rumo acontecidas em países como Argentina e Brasil, refletimos sobre as perspectivas dessa integração e nos perguntamos se não se trataria de seu ocaso. Abstract LATIN AMERICA AT A CROSSROADS: DECLINE OF THE INTEGRATION PROJECT? We consider Latin America as a group of national territories in cooperation and conflict relations in constant reformulation; territories used by agents with different strength and power that express a multiplicity of interests and contradictions. From this assumption, we analyze the new elements of the political-economic conjuncture since the 2000s as well as the new contents of Latin American institutions’ discourse and orientation. In pointing out the different integration initiatives drew up in a period of one and half decade, we observe that, while on the basis of dissents and perspectives often opposite, mainly the convergence of a sovereign regional integration predominates. Nevertheless, because of recent changes of course happened in countries like Argentina and Brazil, we reflect on the perspectives of this integration and question whether it is about its decline.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guilherme Casarões

The institutional framework of Latin American integration saw a period of intense transformation in the 2000s, with the death of the ambitious project of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), spearheaded by the United States, and the birth of two new institutions, the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC). This article offers a historical reconstruction of regional integration structures in the 2000s, with emphasis on the fault lines between Brazil, Venezuela and the US, and how they have shaped the institutional order across the hemisphere. We argue that the shaping of UNASUR and CELAC, launched respectively in 2007 and 2010, is the outcome of three complex processes: (1) Brazil’s struggle to strengthen Mercosur by acting more decisively as a regional paymaster; (2) Washington’s selective engagement with some key regional players, notably Colombia, and (3) Venezuela’s construction of an alternative integration model through the Bolivarian Alliance (ALBA) and oil diplomacy. If UNASUR corresponded to Brazil’s strategy to neutralize the growing role of Caracas in South America and to break apart the emerging alliance between Venezuela, Argentina, and Bolivia, CELAC was at the same time a means to keep the US away from regional decisions, and to weaken the Caracas-Havana axis that sustained ALBA.


Author(s):  
Laura Velasco Ortiz

In concert with more localized analyses of border regions, the Border Studies field has contributed to our understanding of how mobility affects identity. The distinction between cultural and identification boundaries has proved relevant for analyzing the identity processes that arise in border interactions typically marked by ambiguity and contradiction. However, the current migratory context is defined by dehumanizing social and political inequalities. This poses a conceptual challenge to understanding the subjectivities produced by the current policies of border control that dehumanize the immigrant and mobile person. This chapter reflects on the conceptual and empirical relationship between migration, borders, and identity in a current climate characterized by global connections and nation-states’ increasing border control over human mobility. It also analyzes the symbolic dimension of state border control and its consequences for constituting identities.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Regina Mara Fisberg ◽  
Ana Carolina Barco Leme ◽  
Ágatha Nogueira Previdelli ◽  
Aline Veroneze de Mello ◽  
Angela Martinez Arroyo ◽  
...  

ABSTRACT Objective: To quantify the energy, nutrients-to-limit and total gram amount consumed, and identify their top food sources consumed by Latin Americans. Design: Data from The Latin American Study of Nutrition and Health (ELANS). Setting: ELANS is a cross-sectional study representative of eight Latin American countries: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela. Participants: Two 24h dietary recalls on non-consecutive days were used to estimate usual dietary intake of 9218 participants with ages between 15-65years. “What We Eat in America” food classification system developed by USDA was adapted and used to classify all food items consumed by the ELANS population. Food sources of energy, added sugars, saturated fatty acids (SFA), sodium and total gram amount consumed were identified and ranked based on percentage contribution to intake of total amount. Results: Three-highest ranked food categories of total energy consumed were: rice (10.3%), yeast breads (6.9%), and turnovers and other grain-based items (6.8%). Highest ranked food sources of total gram amount consumed were: fruit drinks (9.6%), other 100% juice (9.3%), and rice (8.3%). Three highest ranked sources for added sugars were: other 100% juice (24.1%), fruit drinks (16.5%), and sugar and honey (12.4%). SFA ranked foods were: turnovers and other grain-based (12.6%), cheese (11.9%), and pizza (10.3%). Three top sources of sodium were: rice (13.9%), soups (9.1%), and rice mixed dishes (7.3%). Conclusion: Identification of top sources of energy and nutrients-to-limit among Latin Americans is critical for designing strategies to help them meet nutrient recommendations within energy needs.


Author(s):  
E. Dabagyan

The author puts forward and substantiates a thesis about the transformation of Brazil into an important actor of the international relations. This becomes possible because a number of factors, including the well-designed, multi-tasked and balanced foreign policy strategy. It was founded during the military regime. Then, it was maintained and developed by the civilian Brazilian governments, primarily by such an outstanding figure as the president L. da Silva. His successor D. Rousseff s in a short period of time managed to gain a solid international reputation. She successfully copes with the mission to lead Brazil into the club of world’s great powers. To perform this task Brazilian government constantly makes efforts to strengthen relations with the neighbors on the Latin American continent, to gradually smoothen tensions with the United States. Also, it closely works with the countries of BRICS, contributes to building bridges between the South and the North, as well as actively participates in the activities of international organizations and the settlement of contentious issues in the world.


1973 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward J. Williams

For the past couple of decades the Latin Americans, like their brethren in Africa and Asia, have been hell-bent in search of ‘development’ or ‘modernization’. While the Latin Americans were on the firing line, scholars and policy-makers in both the rich nations and the poor nations were involved in setting out an intellectual framework for analyzing the developmental process. New concepts to explain the meaning of development were devised; innovative measurements to gauge the level of development were proposed; a new vocabulary to capture the nuances of development was put forth.


2009 ◽  
Vol 35 (S1) ◽  
pp. 169-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
DIANA TUSSIE

AbstractThe breakdown of the North-South, East-West governing principles, and the removal of superpower overlay have led to an increasingly decentralised system setting the stage for the so called new geography of trade and the reconfiguration of political – diplomatic strategies. Such strategies now include contestation, articulation, competitive liberalisation, ample inter-state coalition building such as the G-20, G-33, G-90 in the Doha Round and the proliferation of regional and wider ranging preferential arrangements. Regionalism is both policy and project. Agreements vary widely in motivation, form, coverage and content. It is very often the case that, as in multilateral institutions, one major actor sets the agenda at the regional level with the view not only of constructing and retaining power at that level but also of setting global precedents. New balancing or bandwagoning efforts vis-à-vis the local strong power are set in motion with fresh implications for the emerging global architecture. Regional alignments are thus constantly shaping and reshaping market relations. Intra-Latin American agreements (those not including the majors, the US and the EU) were motivated by the search for wider markets building up economies of scale amongst similar countries. Such agreements mostly focused on market liberalisation through diverse schedules of tariff reduction. The result has been the emergence of shallow regional agreements. Nonetheless, most have not been fully implemented, but they show a long term trend towards potential convergence, especially if the Community of South American Nations moves on. External pressures have also spurred agreements as defensive mechanisms. So we witness impulses to regionalism complementing and at times competing with older patterns and trends. This contribution focuses on the different avenues that Latin America is undertaking in terms of regional projects. It will assess the dynamics of intra- regional integration and the inter-action effects with varieties of North-South integration.


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