scholarly journals “New Nation-Building” or What?: Serbian and Kosovan laws on expatriates

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Mr.Sc. Matvey Lomonosov
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Preferential Treatment ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
National Community ◽  
Legal Provisions ◽  
The Republic ◽  
New Nation

Special legal provisions on preferential treatment of expatriates introduced during last decade by the kin-states are oftentimes construed by the scholars as visible sings and effective tools of new, post-territorial nation-building in Eastern Europe. However, the analysis of Serbian and Kosovan laws on citizenship and diaspora shows that the picture is more complex, whereas the situation varies across countries of the region. Despite the rising concerns with the issues of the co-ethnics since late 2000 the Serbian government for some years has been reluctant to introduce the exclusive preferential treatment for the Serbs in the realm of citizenship. Only the law passed in 2009 overtly showed that the executives and legislators of the Republic of Serbia now are on the way of creating post-territorial Serb national community. Contrariwise the political establishment of Kosovo equally pushing forward special laws on “diaspora” in 2008 and 2011 was rather concerned with forming and reasserting of as well as tightening its grip over post-territorial citizenry because of notable social and economic problems. In contrast to Easter European status laws, trans-border “ethnic relatives” of the Kosovan majority are effectively excluded by the documents from the membership in the “diaspora,” while the representatives of ethnic minorities from the territory of the country legally qualify for being Kosovo diasporans.

How Europeans adopted Anatolia and created Turkey

2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
ERIK JAN ZÜRCHER
Keyword(s):  
Political Leadership ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Secular Modernity ◽  
The Face ◽  
Small Band ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Turkey ◽  
Turkish Society

The Republic of Turkey was founded in 1923. In the first 20 years of its existence, the political leadership of the republic embarked on a process of nation building in Anatolia and at the same time changed the face of Turkish society, stamping on it a particular brand of secular modernity. This article tries to find out what were the common characteristics of the small band of men who made up the leadership of the republic and to what extent their shared background and experience can help explain the course they charted for Turkey after its creation. One of the conclusions is that Turkey, although located geographically for more than 90% in Asia, is in fact a creation of Europeans, who shaped the country after their own image.

scholarly journals Extradition in the Light of Legal Solutions in the Republic of Kosovo - Experiences, Challenges

SEEU Review ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 56-71
Author(s):  
Arsim Thaçi ◽  
Ismail Zejneli
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Law ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Legal Provisions ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Delayed System ◽  
The Republic

Abstract Beheld in terms of international law, its subjects such as states, governments or international organizations always communicate with each other based on the spirit of the provisions of the field of international law. In the framework of the breaches, respectively the deliberate violation of these provisions, is the case of the so-called "Gulenists", where all the links of the system under which the extradition matter is built upon, are exempted. Our country will keep this stain for a long time, while in the archives of justice it will be treated as a case that should not have happened, always based on the commitment to the strict implementation of the provisions of the field of international law that our state has always had. At least they should have been held accountable, even criminally; hence, such cases to have never been repeated in our country. The lack of criminal accountability of the actors-senior state officials directly implicated in this case has left scars in our system, which at that moment is widely considered as a delayed system, while at an instant the whole commitment in this direction is shaken. This stain could have been avoided post festum - even in the circumstances when it happened, that is, even in the situation when all the political actors had been implicated in this case. In this regard, whilst analyzing the provisions we can assume that despite the deficiencies and continuously looking at the volume of legal provisions of this law, yet, we can consider that our system in this area has advanced and has ongoing initiatives to improve this system to the extent that could meet the requirements in relation to the dynamics of social and international relations.

scholarly journals Grupy etniczne, sprawcy i ofiary

2012 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Steffen Hänschen
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Past ◽  
The People ◽  
Ideological Background ◽  
Political Configuration ◽  
Dividing Line

Ethnic groups, offenders and victimsThe propagandist portrayals of the past, present in the discourse for years, still influence discussions on the memory of the acts of violence committed by the Soviet and the Nazi regimes in Eastern Europe. Problems arise from the fact that the dividing line between the victims and the perpetrators is not always clear. What is more, the fortunes of individual participants have received only marginal attention. Snyder, in his book Bloodlands, accomplished a formidable task and adequately depicted the suffering of the people in the region, however, the comparison between the USSR and Nazi Germany still remains quite superficial. The repressive policies of both regimes were targeted mainly at ethnic minorities. The perpetrators' motivations and their ideological background supported the interests of the regimes. The political configuration in Bloodlands, however, was too complex to be fit into a dualistic, ethnically orientated, concept.

Astra and the Appeal of the Nation: Power and Autonomy in Late-Nineteenth-Century Transylvania

2003 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 215-246
Author(s):  
Tanya Dunlap
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
National Community ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Romanian Literature ◽  
The Right ◽  
Near Future

An Enthusiastic Group of Romanians gathered in Sibiu at the 1905 annualassembly of Astra, the largest Romanian cultural association in Transylvania, to celebrate their nation and their future. Moved by the gathering and the festivities, the editor of the association's paper, Transilvania, expressed a hope he and thousands of his compatriots shared: “Never before has this people been in a more favorable position as a superiorethnic element, as an important factor of civilization, and as a gifted nation with vitality, character, and great talents that guarantee it a bright future and a distinguished place among the peoples of eastern Europe.”1 Like many prominent Romanians of his time, the editor firmlybelieved that his nation would enjoy equal status with other European national groups in the near future. Equal standing had been a central goal of theRomanian intellectuals and clergy who founded the Transylvanian Associationfor Romanian Literature and the Culture of the Romanian People, or Astra, in 1861. Since the eighteenth century, Romanian elites in Transylvania had worked to obtain recognition for their national community so that they couldparticipate fully in the political life of the region. Two centuries later Astra members still hoped they were on the verge of forming a Romanian nation that could achieve the right to control its own destiny.

scholarly journals Understanding the exclusionary politics of early Turkish nationalism: an ethnic boundary-making approach

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 1150-1166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory J. Goalwin
Keyword(s):  
Early Years ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
National Community ◽  
Ethnic Boundary ◽  
Turkish Nationalism ◽  
Boundary Making ◽  
The Republic ◽  
New Nation ◽  
Ethnic Divide ◽  
Republic Of Turkey

Turkish nationalism has long presented a study in contrasts. The nationalist movement that created the Republic of Turkey sought to define the nation in explicitly civic and inclusive terms, promoting a variety of integrationist reforms. Those same nationalist politicians, however, endorsed other policies that were far more exclusionary, expelling many religious and ethnic minorities from the new nation and imposing harsh restrictions on those who remained. The seemingly contradictory nature of Turkish nationalist policies has been mirrored by much of the scholarship on Turkish nationalism, which has often viewed Turkish nationality through the lens of the “civic/ethnic divide,” with various scholars arguing that the Turkish nation is exclusively civic or ethnic. This article seeks to transcend this dichotomous way of looking at Turkish nationalism. I argue that the policies previously seen as being exclusively civic or ethnic are in fact both examples of boundary-making processes, designed to forge a cohesive nationalist community. Seen through a boundary-making perspective, the seemingly contradictory nature of Turkish nationalist policies in its early years is not paradoxical at all, but represents a multidimensional effort to construct a cohesive national community that could replace the defunct Ottoman state.

Communism, Federalism, and Ethnic Minorities: Explaining Party Competition Patterns in Eastern Europe

2014 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 669-708 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Rovny
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Ethnic Politics ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
The Political ◽  
European Politics ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
East European ◽  
Liberal Market Economy

Scholarship on East European politics expects that party competition in the region is determined by various communist legacies, juxtaposing state-centric authoritarianism to a liberal market economy. Recent empirical evidence, however, uncovers significant variance of party competition patterns across East European countries. To explain this variance, this article argues that an interaction between communist institutional framework and partisan responses to ethnic minorities determines party competition structure in the region. While experience with communist federalism determines partisan affinities with ethnic minorities, tolerance or support for ethnic minorities leads the political actors associated with those minorities to general socially liberal positions. Consequently—and contrary to received knowledge—ethnic politics influence the ideological content of party competition and structure party systems in Eastern Europe.

scholarly journals Violence in Martin McDonagh's The Pillowman

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (136) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Basma Abdulhasan Ali ◽  
Sabah Atallah Diyaiy
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
The Political ◽  
Celtic Tiger ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
The Troubles ◽  
Racial Harassment ◽  
Political Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
And Migration ◽  
The 1960S

The 1990s have been of utmost importance for Ireland and the Irish as this decade is characterised by a great diversity of problems: economic problems, unemployment and  migration which came as a result of these problems, racial harassment experienced  abroad, psychological problems, the Troubles  whose serious impact was felt not only in  Northern Ireland but also in the Republic of Ireland, which emerged as a consequence of the conflict between the Catholics and the Protestants because of the political status  of Northern Ireland and which began at the end of the 1960s and ended in 1998 with Belfast Agreement; self-centeredness emerging as a repercussion of the Celtic Tiger period which was witnessed between 1995 and 2000 and which means economic development in Ireland, and, lastly, the problem of violence. Martin McDonagh, an Anglo-Irish playwright represents these problems emphasising the problem of violence encountered in this decade in a satirical but grotesque way particularly in The Pillowman.

scholarly journals Understanding the Exclusionary Politics of Early Turkish Nationalism: An Ethnic Boundary-Making Approach

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory Goalwin
Keyword(s):  
Early Years ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
National Community ◽  
Ethnic Boundary ◽  
Turkish Nationalism ◽  
Boundary Making ◽  
The Republic ◽  
New Nation ◽  
Ethnic Divide ◽  
Republic Of Turkey

* Final published version available at: https://doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1315394 * Turkish nationalism has long presented a study in contrasts. The nationalist movement that created the Republic of Turkey sought to define the nation in explicitly civic and inclusive terms, promoting a variety of integrationist reforms. At the same time, however, those same nationalist politicians endorsed other policies that were far more exclusionary, expelling many religious and ethnic minorities from the new nation and imposing harsh restrictions on those who remained. The seemingly contradictory nature of Turkish nationalist policies has been mirrored by much of the scholarship on Turkish nationalism, which has often viewed Turkish nationality through the lens of the “civic/ethnic divide,” with various scholars arguing that the Turkish nation is exclusively civic or ethnic. This article seeks to transcend this dichotomous way of looking at Turkish nationalism. I argue that the policies previously seen as being exclusively civic or ethnic are in fact both examples of boundary-making processes, designed to forge a cohesive nationalist community. Seen through a boundary-making perspective, the seemingly contradictory nature of Turkish nationalist policies in its early years are not paradoxical at all, but represent a multi-dimensional effort to construct a cohesive national community that could replace the defunct Ottoman state.

Exploring the Diversity of Religion

2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-66
Author(s):  
Arkotong Longkumer
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
Religious Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Alternative Route ◽  
British Colonialism ◽  
The North

This article considers the importance of “religion” and “identity” in the process of fieldwork in the North Cachar Hills, Assam, India. The political sensitivities in the region provided a difficult context in which to do fieldwork. This is chiefly because of the various armed insurrections, which have arisen as a consequence of the complicated remnants of British colonialism (1834–1947), and the subsequent post-independence challenge of nation building in India. This article raises important methodological questions concerning fieldwork and the relational grounding of the fieldworker relative to the inside/outside positions. It reflects on these issues by discussing the Heraka, a Zeme Naga religious movement. Their ambiguity and “in-between” character accommodates both the “neo-Hindu” version of a nation or Hindutva (Hinduness) and the larger Naga (primarily Christian) assertion of their own cultural and religious autonomy. The Heraka provides an alternative route into ideas of nationhood, religious belonging and cultural identity.

Land Reform in Zimbabwe: a Balance of Political Expediency and Economic Inevitability?

2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Union Leader ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Region ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
National Union ◽  
Reform Program ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.

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