How Europeans adopted Anatolia and created Turkey

2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
ERIK JAN ZÜRCHER

The Republic of Turkey was founded in 1923. In the first 20 years of its existence, the political leadership of the republic embarked on a process of nation building in Anatolia and at the same time changed the face of Turkish society, stamping on it a particular brand of secular modernity. This article tries to find out what were the common characteristics of the small band of men who made up the leadership of the republic and to what extent their shared background and experience can help explain the course they charted for Turkey after its creation. One of the conclusions is that Turkey, although located geographically for more than 90% in Asia, is in fact a creation of Europeans, who shaped the country after their own image.

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (88) ◽  

The second half of the 20th century witnessed many political and social upheavals in the Republic of Turkey as well as in the rest of the world. The political turmoil and chaos that occurred after 1970, which we determined as the limit of our study, and the social values that started to change with the introduction of technology in the institutional field after 1980 and in the individual life after 1990 caused the Turkish society to change at different speeds. Mehmet Güleryüz, who is the artist of the is a sensitive painter who observes, assimilates and has succeeded in reflecting these problems in his works by passing these problems through his intellectual filter with his ability to analyze with universal accuracy. In this study, the subject and drawing of Guleryuz's paintings were studied in this context. Keywords: Mehmet Guleryuz, 70’s, oil painting


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 317-331
Author(s):  
Scott Cowdell

Abstract This article reflects on political virtue in conversation with an influential manifesto from English Radical Orthodoxy: The Politics of Virtue, by John Milbank and Adrian Pabst. They see social and economic liberalism as destroying a sustaining metaphysics of communal abiding, with classical and Judaeo-Christian roots. They commend an ‘alternative modern’ version of this past, albeit through British and European political traditions and arrangements preserving elements of its ‘conservative socialism.’ Yet they undersell the spiritual capacities of secular modernity, also the political virtue of principled, non-ideological pragmatism. And they oversell the actual pacific character of that idealised past, since such closed worlds required the discrete use of violence to maintain order and boundaries. A more mainstream Christian account of political virtue today would see liberal autonomy augmented by a revived communitarianism, along with the civilizing of global capital.


Author(s):  
Edwige Tamalet Talbayev

Critically engaging the concept of the Mediterranean as a “liquid continent” (Gabriel Audisio), the book argues in favor of a “transcontinental” heuristic model that rests on the transmaritime deployment of the Maghreb within the millennia-old relation that has materially and culturally bound it to multiple Mediterranean sites. Studying a Mediterranean-inspired body of texts from Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Gibraltar in French, Arabic, and Spanish, the book delivers provocative analyses that complicate the dichotomy between nation and Mediterranean, the valence of the postcolonial topos of nomadism in the face of postcolonial trauma, and conceptions of the Mediterranean as a mythical site averse to historical realization. The book substitutes a trans-Mediterranean reading of Kateb Yacine’s Nedjma as allegory of the Maghreb’s long-standing plurality for Albert Camus’ colonialist Mediterranean utopia. Through this adjusted Mediterranean genealogy, it reveals the intersection of these Mediterranean imaginaries with Maghrebi claims to an inclusive, democratic national ideal yet to be realized. Attuned to both the perpetual fluctuation of the Mediterranean as method and the political imperatives specific to the postcolonial Maghreb, the transcontinental reveals the limits of models of hybridity and nomadism oblivious to material realities. Through a sustained reflection on the potential and limitations of allegory and critical melancholia, the book shows how the Mediterranean successfully decenters postcolonial nation-building projects and mediates the nomadic subject’s reinsertion into a revised national collective respectful of heterogeneity. These far-reaching adjustments to our readings of the Maghreb and the Mediterranean help us rethink not just the space of the sea, the hybridity it produced, and the way it shaped historical dynamics (globalization, imperialism, decolonization, and nationalism) but also the very nature of postcolonial histories and identities along its shores.


Inner Asia ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-117
Author(s):  
Elvira Churyumova

This paper is a brief political and ethnographic commentary on the ‘issues of weakness’ in the current political leadership of Kalmykia. In the Republic of Kalmykia, southwest Russia, ideas about national leaders have been subject to change, depending on the political regime in Russia. Whereas in the Soviet period good leaders, both historical and contemporary, were thought to be skilful managers who did not necessarily have the power to change the course of history, in the post-Soviet period proper national leaders are considered to be those who are endowed with the power to influence history. According to the author, this change in the concept of leadership became possible owing to certain political developments in post-Soviet Kalmykia that allowed alternative ideas to contest some tenets of the Soviet historiography, such ideas remaining largely intact. The tension in Kalmyk historiography between old Soviet and new ideas is unresolved, a situation which is symptomatic of wider tensions and transformations occurring in Kalmyk society itself.


Author(s):  
S. B. Druzhilovsky

The article examines the causes of the permanent political instability in the Turkish Republic, which leads to frequent change of governments, degradation of political parties and changing of policies. On the example of the activities of different cabinets it is showen that the basis of their instability is the frequent creation of coalition governments consisting of parties that stand on different ideological positions. Inter-party antagonism, in its turn, is a consequence of the split of the Turkish society along civilizational, ethnic and religious grounds, which determines the different political orientation of the various layers of the Turkish society. At the same time the article shows the examples of the undoubted efficiency of one-party governments, however they never get support from the opposition parties, and eventually also fail to effectively and consistently implement their proposed policies. The author also deals with a policy of the ruling today in Turkey, the Islamist Party of Justice and Development, which after several years of successful political and economic reforms to date entered the period of deep crisis and is increasingly losing its authority and influence both in Turkey and in neighboring countries.


Author(s):  
Egnara Vartanyan

Introduction. The article is devoted to reflecting the ideas of Turkish philosopher, sociologist, culture expert Ziya Gyokalp in the concepts of Kemalism, to the problem of reasonable mutual influence of the East and West, to the attempts of the first President of the Republic of Turkey Mustafa Kemal Atatyurk to introduce turkish society in the Westernized civilization in the 1920–1930s. The first Turkish president interpreted the ideas of Ziya Gyokalp, who fought for the synthesis of national traditions and European civilization achievements. The president defined such milestones in the political life of Turkey as europeanization, nationalism, laicism, etatism, revolutionism, nationality, republicanism. The article shows the struggle of westernists and traditionists; calls of nationalists to preserve national traditions, study the history of Muslim peoples and state institutions to make their adapting to new conditions of life in modernity easier. Only the balance between traditionalism and modernism can correspond to the realities of a particular society and era, while the westerners called for the transfer of European values to the national soil. Methods. The historical-typological and historical-system research methods used in the article allowed to analyze the typology and transformation of Turkish culture in the first two decades of the republic’s existence. Analysis. The article shows the struggle of Westerners and Traditionalists, the appeals of nationalists to preserve national traditions, to study the history of Muslim peoples and state institutions in order to adapt them for modern life more easily, because only the relationship between traditionalism and modernism can correspond to the realities of a particular society and to the modern epoch, while Westerners wanted to bind European values and national soil. Results. The article draws the conclusion that fundamental principles of Kemalism were formulated by M.K. Atatyurk and implemented by him and his supporters not immediately, but step by step, beginning with 1918. The ideology of Kemalism is in tune with the ideas of Ziya Gyokalp to a great extent. The paper emphasizes that during the decades since the first attempts to modernize Turkey the state has taken unprecedented steps to import Western culture. Undoubtedly, transformations in Turkish society in the field of government, culture, and everyday life were of progressive importance. It contributed to national strengthening of Turkey and its transition from feudal to bourgeois forms of social life.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 247-267
Author(s):  
Dženita Sarač-Rujanac ◽  

In this paper, the author emphasizes the specific case of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian intraparty dispute in the context of the reconstruction of the republican leaderships in Yugoslavia, the change of “Croatian Spring participants” and “liberals” as well as the so-called “senior cadres” at the beginning of 1970s. Pasaga Mandzic's years-long dispute with the current political leadership in Tuzla and also in the Republic will touch upon various issues, from plans and results of economic and urban development, integration of enterprises, organization and activities of political and party leadership to establishing the "historical truth" about the events throughout the war years 1941 and 1942. Considering the current socio-political discourse, Mandzic will come out very boldly, demanding that it is finally time to "speak openly" about the actual war events, the consequences of Partisan-Chetnik cooperation at the end of 1941, the dominance of the Serb element in the communist leadership and its attitude towards the Bosniaks during the war, but also in the post-war period. The insistence on establishing the "real truth" entailed a revision of the existing image of a "glorious war past", which also raised the question of consistent application of the principles of brotherhood and unity. Ultimately, years of clarification resulted in the political elimination and moral discredit of Pasaga Mandzic.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Hermann Linscheid

Turkey has changed significantly since the AKP came to power in 2002. These changes affect the political system, political culture, the legal system, but also people's everyday lives. With this system transformation, a strong polarization of society can be observed. The question arises whether a more consensus-oriented, pluralistic system or a more authoritarian “majority democracy” has been created in the Republic of Turkey. When examining these questions, the author deals in particular with the parties, social groups, political culture and the causes, backgrounds and possible solutions to political and social conflicts.


Author(s):  
Pierluigi SIMONE

The recast of the international debt contracted by the former Ottoman Empire and the overcoming of the capitulations regime that had afflicted Turkey for centuries, are two of the most relevant sectors in which the political and diplomatic action promoted by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk has been expressed. Extremely relevant in this regard are the different disciplines established, respectively, by the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920 and then by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. After the Ottoman Government defaulted in 1875, an agreement (the Decree of Muharrem) was concluded in 1881 between the Ottoman Government and representatives of its foreign and domestic creditors for the resumption of payments on Ottoman bonds, and a European control of a part of the Imperial revenues was instituted through the Administration of the Ottoman Public Debt. At the same time, the Ottoman Empire was burdened by capitulations, conferring rights and privileges in favour of their subjects resident or trading in the Ottoman lands, following the policy towards European States of the Byzantine Empire. According to these capitulations, traders entering the Ottoman Empire were exempt from local prosecution, local taxation, local conscription, and the searching of their domicile. The capitulations were initially made during the Ottoman Empire’s military dominance, to entice and encourage commercial exchanges with Western merchants. However, after dominance shifted to Europe, significant economic and political advantages were granted to the European Powers by the Ottoman Empire. Both regimes, substantially maintained by the Treaty of Sèvres, were considered unacceptable by the Nationalist Movement led by Mustafa Kemal and therefore became the subject of negotiations during the Conference of Lausanne. The definitive overcoming of both of them, therefore represents one of the most evident examples of the reacquisition of the full sovereignty of the Republic of Turkey.


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