scholarly journals Sea Control: Feasible, Acceptable, Suitable, or Simply Imperative

MCU Journal ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-73
Author(s):  
Michael Manning

As the United States faces a rise in credible antiaccess/area-denial (A2/AD) threats, the U.S. Department of Defense (DOD) started developing counteraccess denial strategies early in the twenty-first century. Access denial strategies are not a new defensive strategy; what makes access denial challenging on the modern battlefield is the dramatic improvement and proliferation of weapons capable of denying access to or freedom of action within an operational area. Through a historical review of Japanese naval battles during the early twentieth century, a framework to model possible future contests for control of the maritime domain is possible. Control of the maritime domain is the prerequisite for assured access and sets the condition for successful Joint operations. In this article, recommendations for achieving success in this new operating environment are offered, including investing in low-cost technology that extends ranges of A2/AD capabilities.

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Sigit S. Nugroho

Assessing the output of past foreign policy is instrumental for any country to learn policy-relevant insights, to appreciate its experience, and to improve its future conduct. To glean such insights, this article borrows Baldwin’s framework in assessing the success and failure in foreign policy. Using a case study analysis, it assesses the United States’ (U.S.) influence attempt towards Indonesia to resolve the 1999 East Timor humanitarian crisis. President Clinton’s decision to undergo an influence attempt primarily aimed to change Indonesia’s policy while gaining support from U.S. allies in the process. The article finds that Clinton’s decision was a highly successful attempt. This finding is based on several factors: (1) the attempt effectively attained the intended primary and secondary goals at a considerably high degree; (2) it was conducted at a considerably low cost for the U.S.; (3) it inflicted a high cost towards Indonesia; (4) the increase in Clinton’s stake strengthened the U.S. resolve to pursue the influence attempt; and (5) Clinton had successfully overcome the difficult undertaking as Indonesia possessed higher stake over East Timor. These findings provide some lessons for both U.S. and Indonesian foreign policymakers to chart future relations for the two nations.


Author(s):  
William J. Barattino ◽  
Scott Foster ◽  
James Spaulding

The Federal Government accounts for about 2% of energy usage within the United States, with electricity accounting for approximately one-fifth of this usage. The Department of Defense (DOD) is the largest energy consumer across all Federal Agencies, accounting for nearly half of total use and has implemented programs to assure sustainable energy supplies for meeting mission critical operations. As prototype systems of Small Modular Reactors mature during the remainder of this decade, there is growing interest at senior levels of government to use the secure confines of military bases for electricity generated with SMRs to service power requirements of the DOD base and possibly the surrounding communities. This paper explores the potential for using DOD as an early adopter of SMRs from perspectives of the size of the market and adaptability of the current procurement process for private ownership of SMRs on military bases. Such an approach is shown to be consistent with DOD Sustainability objectives, as well as ensuring a continuation of the projected erosion of diversity mix for prime power generation within the U.S. A review of contract types for energy services are evaluated from the perspective of including SMRs. Required modifications for SMRs to be a part of this energy mix for Federal Agencies are presented.


2003 ◽  
Vol 2003 (01) ◽  
pp. 0102
Author(s):  
Terry Bollinger

This report documents the results of a study by The MITRE Corporation on the use of free and open-source software (FOSS) in the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD). FOSS gives users the right to run, copy, distribute, study, change, and improve it as they see fit, without asking permission or making fiscal payments to any external group or person. The study showed that FOSS provides substantial benefits to DoD security, infrastructure support, software development, and research. Given the openness of its source code, the finding that FOSS profoundly benefits security was both counterintuitive and instructive. Banning FOSS in DoD would remove access to exceptionally well-verified infrastructure components such as OpenBSD and robust network and software analysis tools needed to detect and respond to cyber-attacks. Finally, losing the hands-on source code accessibility of FOSS source code would reduce DoD’s ability to respond rapidly to cyberattacks. In short, banning FOSS would have immediate, broad, and strongly negative impacts on the DoD’s ability to defend the U.S. against cyberattacks. For infrastructure support, the deep historical ties between FOSS and the emergence of the Internet mean that removing FOSS applications would strongly negatively impact the DoD’s ability to support web and Internet-based applications. Software development would be hit especially hard due to many leading-edge and broadly used tools being FOSS. Finally, the loss of access to low-cost data processing tools and the inability to share results in the more potent form of executable FOSS software would seriously and negatively impact nearly all forms of scientific and data-driven research.


Author(s):  
Stephanie Hinnershitz

In November 2008, Floridians who went to the polls to cast their ballots for the next president of the United States also had the chance to reverse eighty years of institutionalized discrimination against Asian Americans in their state. Asian American rights groups in Florida and nationwide distributed pamphlets, sent emails, and spoke to media outlets to build support for a ballot initiative that proposed removing the “aliens ineligible for citizenship” clause from the state constitution. There was hope that Florida could go the way of states like Kansas and New Mexico and formally remove the lingering anti-Asian language. Although the U.S. Supreme Court rendered legislative measures to prevent aliens ineligible for citizenship from owning land unconstitutional in 1952, the connection between the continued presence of this outdated language in the constitution and the legacy of anti-Asian sentiment was clear—this would be a symbolic victory that would signal a purge of de jure if not de facto prejudice and racism aimed at Asian Americans. Because Florida’s anti-alien legislation was enshrined in the constitution, 60 percent of voters would have to approve the initiative in order to remove the discriminatory language from the first amendment and insert neutral language specifying property rights for all. Surely, in the twenty-first century, Floridians would recognize the outdated and discriminatory portion of their constitution and vote to move the law of their land beyond the limits of the past....


2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Yixuan Cao ◽  
Yong Cao ◽  
Rashmi Prasad ◽  
Zhengping Shen

Exchange rates influence a country's trading capability, foreign reserves and competitiveness. Recently, the exchange rate between the Chinese RMB and the U.S. dollar has been a contentious issue in both the United States and China. In this paper, we conduct a historical review of how the United States deployed negotiation strategies with China on the exchange rate issue and consider the degree to which it follows theoretical expectations. We then analyze the changing nature of the factors which shape exchange rate negotiations between the two nations in projecting alternative scenarios for the future of conflict resolution between the U.S. and China on this issue. We predict that the U.S. is likely to continue alternating between competition and collaboration, a negotiation cycle influenced by U.S. domestic politics, and China is less likely to continue with accommodation and compromise. The sequencing and timing of each nation's negotiation strategy will lead to widely divergent consequences for the management of exchange rates and the world economy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Derek Adam Levine

This article addresses how China’s discriminatory trade practices and illicit means of foreign technology acquisition under its Made in China 2025 plan undermine current international trade orders and pose the greatest threat to its existence. Using both primary and secondary data, this article highlights major implications that Made in China 2025 has on free trade, the overall health of the U.S. economy, and U.S. national security. It proposes a multilateral strategy to preserve the current trade system to steer China on track toward honoring its commitment to free trade and identifies how the United States can maintain supremacy throughout the twenty-first century.


Author(s):  
William B. Bonvillian ◽  
Peter L. Singer

This chapter reviews the U.S. manufacturing decline in the first decade of the twenty-first century, examining this from a series of dimensions, including the critical relationship between the production stage and the other parts of its innovation system. The profound challenge to U.S. production in the 1970s and 1980s from Japan's quality manufacturing model and its accompanying technology and process advances, which dramatically disrupted U.S. production practices, is the first issue that must be understood. The chapter then explores the rise of China's manufacturing economy; its innovative new production scale-up approaches knocked the United States into second place in world manufacturing output in a remarkably short period. Accompanying that rise was a parallel and related rise in distributed production by U.S. firms, with outsourcing of production stages and corresponding issues of “innovate here/produce there,” which could lead to “produce there/innovate there.”


2019 ◽  
pp. 221-226
Author(s):  
Brett B. Hart ◽  
◽  
Lindell K. Weaver ◽  
Steffanie H. Wilson ◽  
Anne S. Lindblad ◽  
...  

Traumatic brain injury (TBI) is a major cause of death and disability in the United States (U.S.), with the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reporting approximately 2.8 million TBI-related emergency department visits, hospitalizations, and deaths in 2012 [1]. For those under 45 years of age, TBI is the number one cause of disability and mortality worldwide [2]. Within military populations TBI remains especially problematic. While the incidence of TBI in the U.S. military peaked in 2011, Department of Defense personnel continue to experience approximately 18,000 new cases each year, with 383,473 total cases between 2000 and the first quarter of 2018 [3]. Eighty-two percent of these injuries were classified as mild TBI (mTBI) [3].


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