The Fate of the Russian inTelligentsia in the XX Century. Re-Reading Milestones

Author(s):  
An Qinyan ◽  

The article provides an analysis of historical events in Russia in the 20th century from the point of view of the influence of the Russian intelligentsia on them, its the­oretical and practical activities. The starting point for the author is the collection Milestones (1909) and the criticism of the intelligentsia, which is the main meaning of the articles in this collection. The author shows that, despite the great influence of the intellectuals on the fate of Russia, they was not able to fully realize its ideals, and the fate of many of them was tragic. Their ideals were in contradiction with the real life of Russia, and later of the Soviet Union, they did not take into account the peculiarities of the development of the Russian and then the Soviet state and society. Their attempts to go against social practice inevitably ended in failure, while the de­sire to act in accordance with social practice often led to results that were contrary to their ideals. According to the author, the fate of the Russian intelligentsia in the 20th century confirmed the correctness of the materialist understanding of history, according to which, in the absence of ideals, movement forward has neither a driv­ing force nor a direction, and without reliance on practice, all ideals turn into utopia. Therefore, the correct solution to the problem of connecting excellent ideals and ob­jective practice is a matter of high political art. In the process of modernizing a backward state, the intelligentsia has a special mission.

2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 260-275
Author(s):  
Victor V.  Aksyuchits

In the article the author studies the formation process of Russian intelligentsia analyzing its «birth marks», such as nihilism, estrangement from native soil, West orientation, infatuation with radical political ideas, Russophobia. The author examines the causes of political radicalization of Russian intelligentsia that grew swiftly at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries and played an important role in the Russian revolution of 1917.


2019 ◽  
pp. 139-150
Author(s):  
Kristina Vorontsova

Poland as a Great Borderland in a Post-Soviet World: Poetical Point of ViewThis paper seeks to examine the characteristics of the literary space of Poland, which occupied a middle position between the West and the USSR, with particular attention to the mechanisms of representation of Poland as a great borderland in light of the catastrophes of the 20th century. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, narratives have changed but the main concept of “Poland as a Great Borderland” still remains. While absorbing traditional elements, poetry in the post Soviet world uses new tools like “camp” to depict the liminality and carnival nature of the country. Alexander Anashevich’s poems are analysed as a vivid example of contemporary perceptions of this centuries-long intercultural practice. Польша как «большая граница» в постсоветском мире: поэтический взглядВ данной статье анализируются устойчивые характеристики художественного пространства Польши, которая занимала позицию медиатора между Западом и СССР. Особое внимание уделяется механизмам репрезентации Польши как пограничной территории в свете катастроф ХХ века. С распадом Советского Союза изменились нарративы, однако главный концепт «Польша как Большая граница» всё ещё остаётся неизменным. Ориентируясь на традиционные элементы, поэзия в постсоветском мире использует новые инструменты, такие как Камп, чтобы адекватно отражать лиминальную и карнавальную природу страны. Стихи Александра Анашевича в данном контексте анализируются как яркий пример современного понимания многовековых межкультурных практик. Polska jako „Wielkie Pogranicze” w przestrzeni postradzieckiej. Poetycki punkt widzenia.Artykuł ma na celu zbadanie cech przestrzeni kulturowej Polski, która swego czasu odbierana była jako ta, zajmująca pozycję mediatora pomiędzy Zachodem a ZSRR. W artykule przede wszystkim kładzie się nacisk na zbadanie mechanizmów reprezentacji Polski jako „Wielkiego Pogranicza” w świetle katastrof XX wieku. Od czasu rozpadu Związku Radzieckiego narracje uległy zmianie, ale koncepcja „Polski jako Wielkiego Pogranicza” nadal pozostaje aktualna. Choć poezja w przestrzeni postradzieckiej wciąż zwrócona jest przede wszystkim w stronę tradycyjnych dla niej form, to coraz częściej sięga ona po nowe estetyczne rozwiązania, takie jak np. Kamp, aby wskazać na liminalny i karnawałowy charakter polskiej przestrzeni kulturowej. Wiersze Aleksandra Anaszkiewicza są w artykule analizowane jako żywy przykład współczesnej percepcji tych wielowiekowych interkulturowych praktyk.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (23) ◽  
pp. 196-209
Author(s):  
Valerii Panasiuk

The problem field of the study. The celebration of the anniversary of a historical personality gives a meaningful assessment of this person in a particular period from the point of dominant ideological paradigm, indicates his place in a particular socio-cultural space and his significance in the artistic context. This is proved by the celebration of the 200th anniversary of the birth of L. van Beethoven in the Federal Republic of Germany. In the seventies of the 20th century, at the turn of the decade, the reputation of the classical composer as a “sacred figure of spiritual culture” became a factor that escalated the social conflict of generations in his homeland, a vivid manifestation of which were the fateful events of 1968. As a result, the reputation of the “The Great Deaf”, which had been built up over centuries, underwent a radical revision, as indicated by the general “critical pathos” of the anniversary celebration. The celebration of the 200th anniversary of the birth of L. Van Beethoven in the Soviet Union turned out to be completely different in terms of socio-political and artistic directions. Thus, the purpose of the study is to identify the mechanisms of ideological inversion in relation to the great German composer and his work, as well as the peculiarities of the organization of the country’s cultural and artistic life in connection with the anniversary. These issues are still of current interest because: – firstly, referring to the events that happened fifty years ago, we can note the transformation in the perception of the composer’s personality in the socio-cultural space; – secondly, it becomes possible to objectively, without ideological inversion, evaluate the artistic life of the USSR in general and Ukraine in particular (then the UkSSR); – thirdly, the analysis of the jubilee events of that time clearly highlights the fundamental tendencies of modern policy pursued by our state in the field of culture. Results for discussion. The Soviet Union formed an institutionalized image of L. van Beethoven, which was widely replicated by all possible scientific and artistic means in the culture of the 70s of the 20th century. As a result, the image of a mythologized character with a set of fundamentally mandatory, immutable, easily recognizable features that successfully distinguish him from other representatives of the artistic pantheon, was firmly implanted in the minds of the so-called “ordinary citizens” of the USSR: genius, “The Great Deaf” and favorite composer of Lenin. Thus, throughout practically the entire historical period of the USSR, according to the musical preferences of the “leader of the world proletariat”, the personality of L. van Beethoven and his work underwent an ideological inversion, the starting point of which was 1927 – the centenary of the death of the German composer. At that time, the priority goal was to demonstrate that “own” is different from “bourgeois” by marking the centenary of the death of the great German composer. The fact is that this oppositional paradigm of the 1920s formed a universal algorithm of “jubilee celebrations”, according to which a proper program of events (officially, ideologically and artistically approved) was designed and implemented throughout the existence of the Soviet Union. Thus, the 200th anniversary of L. van Beethoven in the Soviet Union at that time acquired all the hallmarks of a national holiday, manifested in governmental celebrations with mass media propaganda and appropriate repertoire in all cultural and artistic institutions in Moscow, Leningrad and Kiev and other cities of the country. A specially created commission headed by D. Shostakovich – the Hero of Socialist Labor, laureate of the Lenin Prize – supervised all the work on organizing the celebrations. On his behalf, the official newspaper of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union “Pravda” on December 16 published a programmatic article “Bequeathed to the Ages” on the occasion of the 200th anniversary of the birth of L. van Beethoven. The text was a concentration of propaganda clichés that fully reproduced the ideologically inverted image of the “The Great Deaf”. Thus, the celebration was carried out in the confronting opposition to bourgeois ideology, reflected in the socio-political discourse. Conclusions. As a result, the personality of L. van Beethoven underwent those transformational processes of ideological mythologization. This is evidenced by all the propaganda rhetoric associated with the anniversary celebrations, as well as the content of artistic life in the USSR, which was provided with the necessary budgetary funds. The state cultural policy of that time, focused on the broad (popular) masses, by its nature contradicts today’s trends in meeting the individual spiritual needs of a a personality.


Lex Russica ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 67-81
Author(s):  
E. B. Ablaeva ◽  
A. R. Ensebayeva ◽  
M. A. Utanov

Socio-political significance and legal status of the institute of administrative justice are widely understood in the context of the thorough analysis of Soviet theory, legislation and practice of the first half of the last century. The choice of the subject matter of the study is preconditioned by the universally recognized periodization, according to which administrative justice in the Soviet period reached the highest level of development in the first half of the 20th century after the foundations of civil proceedings of the Union of the SSR and the Soviet Union Republics were approved in 1961. From this point of view, it is very interesting and useful to study the objective circumstances that took place in the first half of the last century. The study covers the beginning of the Soviet path of development and improvement of the institute of administrative justice, the lower border of which constitutes the final moment of the establishment of Soviet power, and the upper border covers the post-war period of the Soviet Union. The grounds, conditions and procedure of settlement of complaints against actions of Soviet institutions and officials are identified by various bodies. The selected subject matter was actualized during the development and adoption of the first Administrative Procedural Code of the Republic of Kazakhstan, as well as in the course of institutional reform aimed at ensuring the rule of law, including in the areas of public administration and local government.The purpose of this paper is to study the issues of regulation of public relations arising between the Soviet State represented by public authorities, their officials, state officials, on the one hand, and Soviet citizens and their associations, on the other. To achieve this goal, the following tasks are set: studying the normative legal acts of the Soviet power issued by the central election commissions, All-Russian congresses of councils, people's commissariats, workers'-peasants' inspectorates, councils of workers'-and-peasants' defenses and many other Soviet institutions regulating administrative justice in the first half of the 20th century; determination of grounds, conditions and procedure for appealing or challenging the legality of acts, decisions, actions or omissions to act on behalf of Soviet institutions and officials; analysis of the legal thought of the first half of the 20th century.


Author(s):  
Aleksa Jovanović

Constructivism is a term that takes up more space in social sciences since the second half of the 20th century, although the term itself was coines earlier, specifically in the 1920s when it signified an artistic and architectural movement in the Soviet Union. One assumption of this paper is that the activity is a central function and it is implanted in the concept of constructivism since its creation. This paper offers a brief overview of the development of term constructivism and later explains the basic epistemological assumptions on which constructivist theories are based. What is common to all constructivist theories is proactive cognition, that is, the already mentioned activity, in this case, in the process of making a meaning. Theories of adult education zhat rely on constructivist epistemology are also presented. Finally, the paper explanis the understanding of activity in teaching and the application of the constructivist principle in teaching.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 273-292
Author(s):  
Victoria I. Zhuravleva ◽  

The article focuses on the debatable issues of Russian-American relations from 1914 until the fall of Tsarism, such as the degree of the two countries’ rapprochement, ethnic questions, the positive dynamics of mutual images and the intensified process of Russians and Americans studying each other. Based on primary and secondary sources, this work intends to emphasize that the conflict element in bilateral relations did not hamper cooperation between the two states. The author’s multipronged and interdisciplinary approach allowed her to conclude that the United Sates was ready to engage in wide-ranging interaction with the Russian Empire regardless of their ideological differences. From the author’s point of view, it was the pragmatic agenda that aided the states’ mutual interest in destroying the stereotypes of their counterpart and stimulated Russian Studies in the US and American Studies in Russia. Therefore, the “honeymoon” between the two states had started long before the 1917 February Revolution. However, Wilson strove to turn Russia not so much into an object of US’ “dollar diplomacy”, but into a destination of its “crusade” for democracy. The collapse of the monarchy provided an additional impetus for liberal internationalism by integrating the Russian “Other” into US foreign policy. Ultimately, an ideological (value-based) approach emerged as a stable trend in structuring America’s attitude toward Russia (be it the Soviet Union or post-Soviet Russia).


2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-102
Author(s):  
Csilla Fedinec ◽  
István Csernicskó

Abstract Based on the data of sociological research, the analysis of the linguistic landscapes of Transcarpathian cities, and quotations from travel guides, this paper illustrates that in Transcarpathia, a significant part of the population—regardless of ethnicity—live their lives not according to the official Kyiv time (eet), but according to the local time (cet). The difference between official centralized time and “local time” appeared in Transcarpathia when the region became annexed to the Soviet Union. Yet before the Second World War, each state in the region used Central European time. The Soviet regime introduced msk, which was two hours ahead. The distinction between “local time” and central time has been maintained since Transcarpathia became part of the newly independent Ukraine. The population of the region has been urged to use a different time zone for a relatively short time from a historical point of view. The persistence of “local time” is also strengthened by the fact that it contributes to the image of Transcarpathia as a particular, specific region of Ukraine. “Local time” in Transcarpathia has become part of the region’s tourism brand.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135
Author(s):  
Yinan Li

In 2009, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR and President of Georgia E.A. Shevardnadze published his memoirs in Russian, which contain an “explosive” plot: while visiting China in February 1989, during his meeting with Deng Xiaoping, a lengthy dispute over border and territorial issues occurred. At that time, Deng allegedly expressed his point of view that vast lands of the Soviet Union, from three to four million square kilometers, belonged to China. Chinese can wait patiently until someday the lands return to China. This content is cited in scientific works by many historians from different countries as an argument. However, there is no other evidence which can prove this recollection. Many details in it contradict the well known historical facts or are completely illogical. There is a good reason to believe that the plot in the memoirs of Shevardnadze is an incorrect recollection. It could even be considered as a made-up story. Moreover, it is possible that it was fabricated for some reasons. Hence, the plot is not worthy of being quoted as a reliable source. At the Sino-Soviet summit Deng Xiaoping did have expressed the point of view that in the past Russia and then the Soviet Union cut off millions of square kilometers of land from China, but at the same time he promised the leader of the Soviet Union that China would not make territorial claims. Since the mid-1980s Deng Xiaoping actively promoted the settlement of the Sino-Soviet border issues through negotiations, which led to the result that 99% of the border between Russia and China was delimited on a legal basis in the last years of his life. At present, the problems of the Sino-Russian border have been finally resolved long ago. There is no doubt that the scientific research and discussions on issues related to territory and borders in the history of Sino-Soviet relations can be made. However, such research and discussions should be based on reliable sources.


Author(s):  
Natalija Malets ◽  
Oleksandr Malets

The article analyses the dynamics of ethnic composition and ethnic processes in Transcarpathia in the second half of the 20th century, as well as ethno-cultural processes of national consolidation of Ukrainians of the region as part of the Ukrainian nation. The paper evaluates the practice of the Soviet state and the ideology of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) to determine the nature, content and directions of all ethno-national and ethno-cultural policies in Transcarpathia. While researching the consolidation processes of Transcarpathian Ukrainians as part of the Ukrainian nation, the authors showed that the development of the traditions of Ukrainian national culture was seen in the environment of the creative intelligentsia and the majority of the people as an alternative to ideological communication. It is justified that the main goal of the communist authorities in Transcarpathia in 1945-1991 was to establish socialist, economic, political and ideological regime in the region. In order to accelerate this process, a Russian (Russian-speaking) national minority was hastily created in the region by the state authorities, which, having occupied leading political, ideological and economic positions, became a reliable support for the new communist regime. The article analyses the dynamics of ethnic composition and ethnic processes in Transcarpathia in the second half of the 20th century, as well as ethno-cultural processes of national consolidation of Ukrainians of the region as part of the Ukrainian nation. The paper evaluates the practice of the Soviet state and the ideology of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) to determine the nature, content and directions of all ethno-national and ethno-cultural policies in Transcarpathia. While researching the consolidation processes of Transcarpathian Ukrainians as part of the Ukrainian nation, the authors showed that the development of the traditions of Ukrainian national culture was seen in the environment of the creative intelligentsia and the majority of the people as an alternative to ideological communication. It is justified that the main goal of the communist authorities in Transcarpathia in 1945-1991 was to establish socialist, economic, political and ideological regime in the region. In order to accelerate this process, a Russian (Russian-speaking) national minority was hastily created in the region by the state authorities, which, having occupied leading political, ideological and economic positions, became a reliable support for the new communist regime.


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