scholarly journals Contemporary Citizenship

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-23
Author(s):  
Bryan S. Turner

The paper begins with an examination of three ideal types citizenship which are not necessarily mutual exclusive. The first type is national citizenship, typically associated with ethno-nationalism. The second form is social citizenship or ‘welfare citizenship’ refers to the creation of social rights and is closely connected to civil-society institutions rather than to the state or market. The third form of citizenship identifies the citizen with participation in the work force emphasizing self-reliance and autonomy. In this discussion, I argue that with economic globalization and the development of neo-liberal strategies the various forms of citizenship have converged towards a new model of passive citizenship in which the state is or has withdrawn from commitment to full employment and the provision of social security, especially universal provision of welfare services, and civil-society institutions have been eroded. The result is the emergence of the apolitical,isolated citizen as consumer. The fourth model of citizenship presupposes a consumer society, a weak state and the decline of civic institutions, where the passive citizen becomes a consumer of privatized goods and services. The rise of a fourth model of citizenship – the consumer-citizen – can be interpreted as a logical consequence of financialization.1 1 Some aspects of this chapter first appeared in Bryan S. Turner (2010), ‘Ralf Dahrendorf on Citizenship and Life Chances’, Citizenship Studies, 14 (2): 237–43.

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryan S. Turner

AbstractThe paper begins with an examination of three ideal types citizenship which are not necessarily mutual exclusive. The first type is national citizenship, typically associated with ethno-nationalism. The second form is social citizenship or ‘welfare citizenship’ refers to the creation of social rights and is closely connected to civil-society institutions rather than to the state or market. The third form of citizenship identifies the citizen with participation in the work force emphasizing self-reliance and autonomy. In this discussion, I argue that with economic globalization and the development of neo-liberal strategies the various forms of citizenship have converged towards a new model of passive citizenship in which the state is or has withdrawn from commitment to full employment and the provision of social security, especially universal provision of welfare services, and civil-society institutions have been eroded. The result is the emergence of the apolitical,isolated citizen as consumer. The fourth model of citizenship presupposes a consumer society, a weak state and the decline of civic institutions, where the passive citizen becomes a consumer of privatized goods and services. The rise of a fourth model of citizenship – the consumer-citizen – can be interpreted as a logical consequence of financialization.


2002 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-242 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia L. Maclachlan

Although scholars have long been interested in the relationships among civil society, the state and the market in advanced industrial democracies, the implications of state disengagement from the affairs of private firms for civil society have yet to be explored in the contemporary literature. My purpose in this essay has been to address this issue by examining the effects of deregulation on Japanese consumer society, paying particular attention to how legislative and bureaucratic changes in the wake of regulatory reform have affected consumer relations with business and, more significantly, state actors.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 90-96
Author(s):  
Adriani Adnani

Civil society is one of the three important sectors of society, along with government and business. Civil society is one of the important elements of the democratization process in Indonesia. In accordance with the problems formulated above, the purposes of this discussion are to find out the description of civil society in Indonesia, and to find out efforts to strengthen civil society as a logical consequence of the realization of Good Governance in Indonesia. The development of civil society involves all aspects and dimensions of life. Therefore, efforts and commitment are needed to strengthen the community. Cooperation is needed because no party, organization, institution or anything even the government can carry it out alone. The relationship between civil society and good governance is symmetrical between the two. This is because the two concepts were born from the concept of democracy that upholds the values of justice, freedom, individual and group rights. Furthermore, democracy requires the state in carrying out its activities to be open to the public. Strengthening civil society in the flow of democracy must be realized as an absolute necessity for the implementation of a 'strong' and 'clean' government. The weakness of civil society in Indonesia is marked by widespread rejections of state/government policies by the people and these rejections have not received a meaningful response from the state/government. In the process of determining policies, the government bureaucracy still feels that citizens are used as objects of policy. This kind of narrow view will make the government anti-suggestions from citizens in determining policies.


Author(s):  
Наталия Николаевна Козлова ◽  
Сергей Валентинович Рассадин

Цель статьи - анализ управления сетевыми ресурсами гражданского общества и государства, задействованных в рамках реализации государственной семейной политики РФ. Значимость рассмотрения сетевых ресурсов определяется тем, что в условиях цифровизации и экономического спада, вызванного пандемией COVID-19, интенсифицировались социально-экономические отношения, политико-управленческая коммуникация в пространстве Интернета. Авторы рассматривают домохозяйства не только как объект государственной семейной политики, но и как ее субъект - способность семей мобилизовать экономические, информационные, организационные ресурсы для решения острых социальных проблем. Научная новизна исследования состоит в том, что авторы статьи впервые изучают проекты сетевого сообщества в рамках государственной семейной политики в условиях цифровизации и экономического спада. Авторы приходят к выводу, что под влиянием государственной семейной политики в России формируется сетевое просемейное гражданское сообщество, организации которого ориентированы на различную онлайн- и офлайн- деятельность, сетевые ресурсы государственной семейной политики имеют информационно-просветительский характер, направлены на продвижение традиционных семейных ценностей, ориентированы на четкую целевую аудиторию, способную к мобилизации в онлайн и офлайн форматах. В итоге, управляя сетевыми ресурсами, государство влияет на поведение семьи как потребителя определенных информационных продуктов, товаров и услуг сетевой экономики. The purpose of the article is to analyze the management of the network resources of civil society and the state involved in the implementation of the state family policy of the Russian Federation. The importance of considering network resources is determined by the fact that in the context of digitalization and the economic recession caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, socio-economic relations, political and managerial communication in the Internet space have intensified. The authors consider households not only as an object of state family policy, but also as its subject - the ability of families to mobilize economic, informational and organizational resources to solve acute social problems. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the fact that the authors of the article for the first time study the projects of the network community within the framework of state family policy in the context of digitalization and economic recession. The authors come to the conclusion that under the influence of state family policy in Russia, a networked pro-family civil society is being formed, whose organizations are focused on various online and offline activities, the network resources of the state family policy are of an informational and educational nature, aimed at promoting traditional family values, and are focused on a clear target audience capable of mobilizing in online and offline formats. As a result, by managing network resources, the state influences the behavior of the family as a consumer of certain information products, goods and services of the network economy.


2009 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 229-251
Author(s):  
Bettina Liverant

Abstract In the decades following the turn of the century, the rising cost of living was a subject of controversy in Canada and throughout the industrialized world. No other topic, observers often noted, commanded more attention. Rising prices exacerbated wage disputes, and intensified tensions between traditional producer values and the acceptance of new patterns of purchasing. This article explores the bond formed between Canadian consumers and the managerial state by the investigation of changes in the cost of living. In order to measure changes in the prices of goods and services, it is necessary to examine the consumption practices of Canadians. This process of data collection and collation helped to normalize new consumer behaviours, and embedded the category of the Canadian citizen as a wage spender, as well as a wage earner, in the workings of government. By engaging with consumption, that is by representing, by measuring, and by categorizing the changing purchasing practices of its citizens, the state expanded its mandate and helped to shape the way Canadians came to see themselves as consumers.


1981 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pierre Birnbaum

THE STATE, IN THE STRONGEST MEANING OF THE WORD, IS NOT indispensable to the functioning of civil society. Indeed society can often so organize itself as to prevent the emergence of a state intent on establishing itself as an absolute power. The very existence of the state itself, the consequence of particular sociohistorical processes, upsets the whole of the social system which is henceforth ordered around it. The relationships between the nobility, the bourgeoisie, the working class or, today, the middle classes, differ profoundly according to whether these groups were confronted by a strongly institutionalized state or a centre which exercised essentially co-ordinating functions. Still today the political systems which have simultaneously a centre and a state (France) can be distinguished from those which have a weak state without a real centre (Italy) or a centre without a genuine state (Great Britain, the United States) or neither centre nor state (Switzerland). In the first two cases, in varying degrees, the state dominates and manages civil society; in the two latter, civil society manages itself. It is therefore possible to distinguish societies in which the state attempts to dominate the social system by endowing itself with a strong bureaucracy (ideal type: France; paralle development: Prussia, Spain, Italy) from those in which the organization of civil society makes it impossible for a powerful state and a powerful dominating bureaucracy to emerge (ideal type: Great Britain; parallel development: the United States and the consociational democracies like Switzerland). Without claiming to retrace methodically the history of each of these states or of their political centres, I should like to sketch a broad outline of their evolution with the object of showing that the different relations by which the many governing groups are linked together within the different social systems depend sometimes on the formation of the state and sometimes on the simple formation of a political centre.


Author(s):  
Ian Thynne

Public action through the organizational use of power and rules in government and governance is multidimensional in form, scope, and reach. Approaches to action, embodying differing interactions of the state, market, and civil society, include statism, state–market dualism, state–civil society dualism, and state–market–civil society synergism. The approaches are distinctive while interrelated. They concern goods and services as focuses of action involving availability, accessibility, consumption, and use. This requires the performance of roles and tasks as modes of action. The roles are owner, producer, provider, regulator, facilitator, buyer, seller, consumer, and user, with each entailing tasks of making, implementing, and reviewing decisions. The result is a complex institutionalization of action, with multiple alignments of goods, services, roles, and tasks in the public interest.


2016 ◽  
pp. 43-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Vinokurov

The paper appraises current progress in establishing the Customs Union and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Although the progress has slowed down after the initial rapid advancement, the Union is better viewed not as an exception from the general rules of regional economic integration but rather as one of the functioning customs unions with its successes and stumbling blocs. The paper reviews the state of Eurasian institutions, the establishment of the single market of goods and services, the situation with mutual trade and investment flows among the member states, the ongoing work on the liquidation/unification of non-tariff barriers, the problems of the efficient coordination of macroeconomic policies, progress towards establishing an EAEU network of free trade areas with partners around the world, the state of the common labor market, and the dynamics of public opinion on Eurasian integration in the five member states.


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