Miracles Every Day?

Author(s):  
Charles R. Kim

April 19th, an extraordinary outburst in the mold of the paradigmatic March First Independence Movement (1919), took place in and through the transposition of memories of anticolonial resistance to postcolonial politics. Following the overthrow of the Rhee-LP regime, many public observers truly believed that the student protestors – and, by extension, South Koreans – had turned the corner out of the postwar crisis and into a new era of national history. This chapter examines post-event discourse on how to parlay the “spirit of April 19th” into a forward-looking program of wholesome modernization that effectively linked developmental policies of the democratic state to the everyday endeavors of upstanding citizens. It then turns to the aftermath of the May 16th military coup of 1961 to scrutinize Park Chung Hee’s partial assimilation of post-April 19th optimism into his ideological program during the incipient phases of his nineteen-year rule.

Author(s):  
Stella Krepp

Until the mid-1960s, Brazil played a leading role in inter-American affairs and the same holds true for its engagement with the non-aligned movement. This chapter attempts to shed light on the Brazilian role at the two non-aligned conferences in Belgrade 1961 and Cairo 1964. While only three years apart, the two conferences highlight two very distinctive experiences for Brazil and Latin America as a whole. In 1961, Brazilian politics teemed with reformist aspirations and expectations and this translated into a new attitude towards the emerging third world. Under the Quadros and later the Goulart government, Brazil followed an “independent foreign policy” and strengthened ties with both the socialist and decolonized countries, and participating in the non-aligned movement formed part of this new nexus of relationships. By 1964, however, this trend had been reversed, as a military coup in Brazil ushered in a new era in domestic and foreign policies.


1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-178
Author(s):  
John T. Fishel

The military coup of October 3, 1968 appears to have inaugurated a new era in Peruvian sociopolitical life. Unlike earlier “revolutions,” the current one is neither a simple military intervention to give the traditional civilian system a breathing space nor is it the action of a traditional caudillo in alliance with the oligarchy. Rather, the Peruvian Revolution is a fundamental attempt to effect major structural changes in the sociopolitical economic order.In the six years of Revolutionary government, many changes have been made. The semi-feudal power of the traditional coastal agricultural oligarchy has been broken and partially channeled into the modern industrial economy with its attendant influence. The means to this end was, of course, the agrarian reform which turned the large, productive coastal haciendas into generally economically successful producers' cooperatives. Similar results have been obtained in the industrial, mining, and fishing reforms.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-47
Author(s):  
Siegrun Appelt

With LED as illuminant a new era of dealing with lighting has dawned. Digitalisation, light guidance and light quality take on greater significance. Physical and emotional impacts of light on the human being have become common topics in the everyday life of a modern society. The amount of light which determines the character of spaces is steadily increasing. Our visual perception has adapted and assimilated to it over the years, decades, centuries. What was once perceived as bright today can’t either be used in a functional way or even less meet current standardization regulations. The project “Langsames Licht / Slow Light” searches for ways to practically implement theoretical insights and experience from the subjects of art, science and design, allowing a targeted use of light.


2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 1130-1161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maryann Bylander

In 2014, Thailand experienced the mass exodus of 220,000 Cambodian migrant workers, an event precipitated by a military coup and rumors of an impending migrant crackdown. This movement was reportedly the largest in South‐East Asia since the 1970s. Yet while the mass returns were outwardly articulated as a “crisis” moment, migrants largely understood the exodus as a more extreme version of the everyday. The most significant features of the exodus—financial loss, indebtedness, involuntary immobility, and fear of violence and deportation—have been and continue to be regular features of the Cambodian–Thai migration system. In light of these findings, I suggest that taking migration disruptions seriously requires (1) decentering the language and logic of “crisis” and (2) considering what migration disruptions reveal about ordinary times.


2014 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
SUTHAHARAN NADARAJAH ◽  
DAVID RAMPTON

AbstractHybridity has emerged recently as a key response in International Relations and peace studies to the crisis of liberal peace. Attributing the failures of liberal peacebuilding to a lack of legitimacy deriving from uncompromising efforts to impose a rigid market democratic state model on diverse populations emerging from conflict, the hybrid peace approach locates the possibility of a ‘radical’, post-liberal, and emancipatory peace in the agency of the local and the everyday and ‘hybrid’ formations of international/liberal and local/non-liberal institutions, practices, and values. However, this article argues, hybrid peace, emerging as an attempt to resolve a problem of difference and alterity specific to the context in which the crisis of liberal peacebuilding manifests, is a problem-solving tool for the encompassment and folding into globalising liberal order of cultural, political, and social orders perceived as radically different and obstructionist to its expansion. Deployed at the very point this expansion is beset by resistance and crisis, hybrid peace reproduces the liberal peace's logics of inclusion and exclusion, and through a reconfiguration of the international interface with resistant ‘local’ orders, intensifies the governmental and biopolitical reach of liberal peace for their containment, transformation, and assimilation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mario Campana ◽  
Andreas Chatzidakis ◽  
Mikko Laamanen

Alternative economies respond to the precarious conditions underpinning the everyday lives of individuals, and their lack of access to and scarcity of resources and competences. Recently there has been increasing interest in the field of macromarketing towards such alternative forms of exchange and marketplaces. Nonetheless, current studies of alternative economies remain fragmented. The objective of this special issue is to advance our understanding of alternative economies and stimulate future research within this domain. Seven articles are included in this special issue of the Journal of Macromarketing. Each article presents forward-looking research exploring one of three aspects of alternative economies: (1) the paradigms used within alternative economies, (2) the institutional logics that guide action within these systems and (3) the implications to individuals, localities, markets, and society. The editors of the special issue briefly introduce the topic, provide a definition of alternative economies, offer an overview of the articles and their contributions, and direction for future research bringing together alternative economies and macromarketing.


Author(s):  
Chelsey Kivland

“Street Sovereignty” details the workings of youth street gangs while illuminating both the grassroots potential and violent consequences of placing them at the center of Haiti’s multi-scale governance project. The fall of the Duvalier dictatorship in 1986 was supposed to commence a new era of democratic state building in Haiti. Yet the transition to a neoliberal democracy has instead yielded the retrenchment of government in everyday life. In line with austerity and deregulation protocols, the Haitian state has both downsized its public sector and outsourced state tasks and responsibilities to non-state actors. Few analyses have focused on how local subaltern groups have also intervened in the governance voids wrought by neoliberalism. In the poor districts of Port-au-Prince, the work of politics, governance, and development are largely brokered and mediated by youth street gangs called baz. Under conditions of electoral politics, weak government, and project-based development, baz have emerged as key players who negotiate and amalgamate relationships with global and national power structures in order to execute governance in their zones. Ultimately, the convoluted field of governance in Haiti has motivated widespread calls for a robust state apparatus that would administer services to the population without intermediaries or distinction.


First Monday ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dan Perkel

The development of Web 2.0 led to celebratory accounts about its potential to unleash human creativity. A consensus emerged that described Web 2.0 creative production as universal, democratic, communal, non-commercial, and thoroughly revolutionary. This consensus viewed young, web-savvy media makers as Web 2.0 creativity’s avant-garde: a new generation of producers, born digital, who had upended Romantic notions of creativity, authorship, ownership and related cultural practices. In this paper I draw from a multi-year ethnographic study of young creators’ use of the web from 2007 through 2010 and examine the practice and rhetoric of theft and sharing on DeviantArt, a self-described social network and community of artists. I argue that rather than overturning traditional notions of creativity, participating in DeviantArt helped young creators reaffirm traditional notions of creativity tied to the moral rights of authors to control the distribution of their work. I also demonstrate how these young media makers in turn shaped Web 2.0 ideology and technologies in practice. Seemingly well-established features for “sharing” content were actually uneasy compromises that supported multiple interpretations rather than epitomize the new era of creativity promised by the creativity consensus. These compromises reproduced Web 2.0 in everyday practice.


Author(s):  
Sherene H. Razack

AbstractThe 1990s inaugurated a new era of policing the border, one in which a variety of legislative initiatives were introduced to regulate more tightly the flow of immigrants and refugees to Canada. Border control is closely linked to the internal policing of people of colour, stigmatising and monitoring such bodies in ways that clearly establish their subordinate status in the nation. In this article, I reflect on the practices involved in the policing of the border through an exploration of how individuals participate in, and experience, these practices. Specifically, I describe my own experience of how an individual judge performed the role of the imperial patriarch in a trial of a racial minority woman lawyer charged with immigration fraud. I do not make an empirical claim that the case I explore demonstrates racism and little else. Rather, my central concern is to describe the everyday performance of domination as it occurs in this trial. I seek to illustrate the kinds of things individuals say and do when they engage in making Canada White through the law and to suggest that such individual performances, in this case of hegemonic masculinity, are part of a national story of belonging, a story in which people of colour are marked as degenerate and white subjects are the bearers of culture and civilization. In the second half of the paper, I demonstrate this national mythology as it is expressed by elites.


Author(s):  
Md. Habibullah ◽  
Emran Hossain

Bangladesh, born in 1971, endured her very first setback in 1975 when a bloody military coup took place, which killed the Father of the nation and subsequently army seized power. From then to 1990, two military dictators ruled the country for a short time as a military dictator and the rest of the time under the veil of the democratically elected statesman. With the fall of the Mujib government, a new diplomatic stance had been taken up; from a socialist, liberal, secular and democratic state, Bangladesh crawled down to a capitalist, conservative, Islamist and authoritarian form of state. It appears from the policy of the dictators that they had tried to satiate the people through the amendments of the constitution to shape it as an Islamist country and to satisfy the capitalist class, they introduced the capitalist economy from the moderate socialist economy. An identical procedure which was followed by the Pakistani military rulers in pre-independence time had been conceived smoothly by the military dictators in independent Bangladesh.


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