scholarly journals Sexologist Training Could Have an Influence on Attitudes Toward LG Marriage And Parenting?

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-52
Author(s):  
E. Viozzi ◽  
◽  
F. Tripodi ◽  
F. M. Nimbi ◽  
R. Baiocco ◽  
...  

Objective: Negative attitudes towards same-sex families persist among health professionals. This study investigates the influence of educational programs in sexology (EPS) on sexism, homophobia and attitudes of sexologists towards lesbian and gay (LG) marriage and same-sex parenting. Design and Method: Data were collected on 552 subjects (376 F and 134 M); the EPS group was composed by professionals who had attended a training course in accredited schools by Italian Federation of Scientific Sexology (FISS). The protocol was computer-based and self-administered (15 minutes to complete). It was composed of: questionnaire for socio-demographic information; Ambivalent Sexism Inventory; Measure of Sexual internalized stigma for Lesbians and Gays; Modern Homophobia Scale; The Katuzny Same-Sex Marriage Scale; D’Amore and Green Same-Sex Parenting Scale. Results: The EPS group reported lower levels of sexism (F(1,401)=4.40, p<.05) and homophobia (F(1,401)=5.15, p <.05), a more positive attitudes toward LG marriage (F(1,545)=7.67, p <.01) and same-sex parenting (F(1,545)=17.34; p<.001). In particular, participants in this group declared more favorable attitudes to specific pathways to parenthood, such as: adoption for homosexual couples, artificial insemination for lesbians, and in vitro fertilization for lesbians. Conclusions: Professionals who got EPS show more positive attitudes toward same-sex marriage and parenting. Having a specific training on these issues appears to be functional to the development of attitudes based on equal rights and not based on heterosexism. These results have important implications in both clinic and social issues related to LGBT health.

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 335-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jocelyn Evans ◽  
Jonathan Tonge

This article assesses the importance of religious affiliation, observance, faith and party choice in categorizing attitudes to two of the most important contemporary moral and ethical issues: same-sex marriage and abortion. While religious conditioning of moral attitudes has long been seen as important, this article goes beyond analyses grounded in religiosity to explore whether support for particular political parties – and the cues received from those parties on moral questions – may counter or reinforce messages from the churches. Drawing upon new data from the extensive survey of public opinion in the 2015 Northern Ireland election study, the article analyses the salience of religious, party choice and demographic variables in determining attitudes towards these two key social issues. Same-sex marriage and abortion (other than in very exceptional abortion cases) are both still banned in Northern Ireland, but the moral and religious conservatism underpinning prohibition has come under increasing challenge, especially in respect of same-sex marriage. The extent to which political messages compete with religious ones may influence attitudes to the moral issues of the moment.


Author(s):  
Xudong FANG

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.本文由兩個部分構成,第一部分闡述了不反對同性婚姻合法化的理由,逐一討論了對同性婚姻合法化的五種反對意見,認為它們都不成立。第二部分論述了儒家推崇異性婚姻的原因,其主要考慮是同性婚姻不能像異性婚姻那樣可以提供倫理的完整性。作者強調,作為公民權利,同性婚姻可以被自由追求,但作為儒家則以異性婚姻為婚姻的理想模式。前者事關權利,後者事關“善”,有各自的界限,不得逾越。This paper consists of two parts. In the first part, the author refutes, one by one, five objections to the legalization of same-sex marriage, including arguments grounded in naturalness, origin, reductio ad absurdum, compromising traditional marriage, and Jiang Qing’s doctrine of particular human rights. The strongest reason for advocating the legalization of same-sex marriage is the doctrine of equal rights. As contemporary people, we have no reason to deny that all individuals have equal rights. The second part discusses why Confucianism prefers heterosexual marriage. The main consideration is that same-sex marriages cannot provide ethical integrity, as heterosexual marriages do. The author emphasizes that, as a civil right, same-sex marriage can be pursued freely, but for a Confucian, heterosexual marriage is the ideal mode of marriage. The former concerns what is “right,” whereas the latter relates to what is “good.” There is an insurmountable boundary between right and good.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 423 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.


Healthcare ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (12) ◽  
pp. 1657
Author(s):  
Catherine Meads ◽  
Laura-Rose Thorogood ◽  
Katy Lindemann ◽  
Susan Bewley

Same-sex female couples who wish to become pregnant can choose donor insemination or in-vitro fertilization (IVF)—a technique intended for infertile women. In general, women in same-sex female partnerships are no more likely to be infertile than those in opposite sex partnerships. This article investigates data available from the Government Regulator of UK fertility clinics—the Human Fertilization and Embryology Authority, which is the only data available worldwide on same-sex female couples and their fertility choices. IVF is increasing both in absolute numbers and relative proportions year on year in the UK, compared to licensed donor insemination for same-sex female couples. As IVF has greater human and financial costs than donor insemination, policies should not encourage it as the first choice for fertile women requiring sperm. Commercial transactions are taking place where fertile lesbians receive cut price, and arguably unnecessary, IVF intervention in exchange for selling their eggs to be used for other infertile customers. If women are not told about the efficacy of fresh vs. frozen semen, and the risks of egg ‘sharing’ or intra-couple donation, exploitation becomes possible.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-56
Author(s):  
F. Aversa ◽  
◽  
F. Tripodi ◽  
F. M. Nimbi ◽  
R. Baiocco ◽  
...  

Objective: Several researches investigated the attitudes of heterosexuals and LGBT people towards marriage and parenting of lesbians and gays. The objective of the present study is to explore the correlation between these attitudes and levels of sexism, social homophobia and internalized sexual stigma. Design and Method: The participants were 826 (534 F, 292 M), aged between 17 and 70. 59,8% defined him/her-self as “exclusively heterosexual”, 29,2% as “exclusively homosexual” and 11% as “bisexual”. The following tests have been administered: Questionnaire on socio-demographic Information, Ambivalent Sexism Inventory; Measure of Internalized Sexual Stigma for Lesbians and Gays; Modern Homophobia Scale, The Katuzny Same-sex Marriage Scale; D’Amore and Green Same-sex Parenting Scale. Results: Positive correlations have been found between: sexism and homophobia (r = .378; p < .01) and sexism and internalized sexual stigma (r = .320; p < .01). Male subjects obtained higher scores in sexism (F(1,559) = 15,555; p < .01) and homophobia (F(1,559) = 44,977; p < .01). Heterosexuals were significantly less favorable regarding gay and lesbian marriage (F(1,821) = 96,936; p < .05) and parenthood (F(1,821) = 84,260; p < .05) compared to the non-heterosexuals. Heterosexual males were the most unfavorable towards parenting (F(1,821) = 4,786; p < .05). Conclusions: The results offer a contribution to scientific research which still has significant gaps regarding the attitude-associated variables towards marriage and parenting of people of the same gender. Sexual education at schools and clinic supervision interventions should take these evidences into account.


eTopia ◽  
2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcos Moldes

On July 20th, 2005, the federal government of Canada passed Bill C-38, the Civil Marriage Act, which changed the legal definition of marriage as the lawful union of two persons to the exclusion of all others. This changed the federal legislation from defining marriage as a union between a man and a woman and broadened the legal definition to include same-sex couples. Canadians for Equal Marriage (CEM), one of the principal advocacy organizations, lauded the change in legislation as an important move towards equality for same-sex individuals. The organization’s advocacy work leading up to the vote in the House of Commons, along with their public media campaigns, reinforced the position that saw the inclusion of queer unions into federal definitions of marriage as an important moment for the queer rights movement. The discourse that surrounded this debate leading up to and after July 20th framed marriage as the cornerstone of queer rights and equality; yet, it lacked any sort of critique about the broader social and political implications for queer identity and the queer rights movement. Conflating marriage with equality, CEM’s discourse around gay marriage lacked any critique of how inclusion into state-legislated familial structures could impact broader discourses of queer identity. Instead, the majority of articles focused on how queer marriage was obligatory and called on all members of the queer community to embrace and organize politically around the issue of marriage. This discourse suggests the recognition of same sex unions is indicative of a broader social equality. However, it must be asked whether this assimilation into a heterosexual/heteronormative framework ensures real equality or merely the assimilation of queer identity through state-mediated kinship structures. Although gay marriage is a tool for enabling the inclusion of same-sex partners into benefits packages, tax breaks and other federally legislated benefits, the language used by gay marriage advocates problematically links concepts of equal rights to marriage without questioning or critiquing the concept of state-mediated kinship structures. Looking at the media campaign around this issue, and how it linked the attaining of rights to legalizing marriage it must be asked whether this would create real social acceptance, or whether the same-sex marriage debate is an in actuality just an attempt to normalize queer relationships into a larger heteronormative framework.


2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (05) ◽  
pp. 415-419 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chloe Getrajdman ◽  
Joseph Lee ◽  
Alan Copperman

AbstractThe utilization of assisted reproductive technology (ART), particularly by same-sex female couples (SSFCs), has increased over the past few decades. Alongside the increase in use by lesbian women, there has also been an increase in the number of available treatment options. The process by which SSFCs make the various decisions associated with conceiving and parenting, however, has been largely overlooked. This review provides an overview of the reproductive treatments available to lesbian women and specifically highlights the “biological” and “social” obstacles they must overcome on their journey to parenthood. This review also describes how a relatively novel treatment strategy, co-in vitro fertilization, can give couples greater flexibility and provide them with the unique opportunity of a shared biological motherhood.


2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris VanderStouwe

One of the premier social issues in contemporary US politics is that of same-sex marriage. This research explores language use and identity construction by same-sex marriage supporters through narratives of discrimination. This paper analyzes data collected through the non-profit Marriage Equality USA, wherein narrators respond to a survey question about experiences of discrimination during California’s Proposition 8 campaign, a statewide initiative that repealed the rights of same-sex couples to marry. In doing so, narrators use ideologies of religion and religious affiliation to: (1) construct a victim identity in relation to their experiences, (2) use this as a springboard to challenge their victimization, (3) establish opposition between individual and institutional positioning of religious identity, and (4) switch roles with their victimizers with respect to victim and empowered positions. In doing so, narrators use victimization as empowerment to convey a progressive position in an inevitably successful social movement.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Ellen Gordon ◽  
William L. Gillespie

AbstractPolitical mobilization by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints against ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) was more widespread and important than most studies of the episode have acknowledged. Several decades later, the Church is again organized and active in opposing legal recognition of same-sex marriage. In this article, we explore why and how the Latter-Day Saints mobilized on these two issues. We argue that their mobilization can be understood through classic social movement theory, even though the Church is not an economic-based interest group. Furthermore, the Mormons' approach in fighting the ERA — drawing on centralized authority, tapping into established volunteer and communications networks, effectively channeling money and personnel to where they are most needed, and engaging in stealth politics (obscuring the centralized nature of apparently spontaneous action) — is echoed in the fight against same-sex marriage, even though the times and technology have somewhat changed the mobilization dynamic.


Author(s):  
Jelena Opsenica Kostic ◽  
◽  
Damjana Panic ◽  
Milica Mitrovic

"Gamete donation is a procedure that includes the “reproductive others” in the process of conception. There are numerous dilemmas related to donation while various European countries have different ways of solving them. In the Republic of Serbia, only voluntary gamete donation is allowed, and donors can only be women and men from the general population, or women included in the In vitro fertilization process. The donors remain anonymous to the child which was conceived with their help. Overcoming infertility in this way usually includes building public awareness, especially when it is not a common practice in that society, and work should be done on forming positive attitudes towards the donation. Experience from other countries indicates that sperm donation usually does not represent a problem, but there is greater demand for egg cells than the existing supply, which is an additional reason for studying attitudes and planning appropriate campaigns. In this study, the attitudes of university students (N = 503; 206 young men, 297 young women) towards gamete donation were analyzed, as were the differences in the extent of basic values about acceptance of the donation. We used several questions to determine the attitudes towards donations, including those specially designed for this research and the Schwartz Personal Values Questionnaire (Schwartz, 2002). University students are young people who represent not only potential donors but also the everyday environment of couples who require a donation. As highly educated individuals, they have the potential to be attitude holders. The results have shown generally positive attitudes of the students towards donation. The differences in certain basic values among the participants who support donation were obtained only for the sub-sample of young men: a more pronounced Openness to change and Self-transcendence. The authors present some specific ideas regarding the promotion of gamete donation in general – for example, we believe that in the supporting campaign for donation it would be more appropriate to use Self-transcendence than Openness to change."


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jayeel Cornelio ◽  
Robbin Charles M. Dagle

Abstract This article spells out the ways in which religious freedom has been deployed against proponents of same-sex marriage and gender equality in the Philippines. While the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) community and allies have appealed to religious freedom to gain equal rights under the law, conservative Christian entities have fought back by invoking the same notion. They have appropriated religious freedom, which has historically been interpreted by the courts in favour of individual liberties, to defend majoritarian values surrounding sexuality. This article describes this move as the weaponisation of religious freedom in defence of the dominant religion and an assumed majority of Filipinos whose moral sensibilities are purportedly under attack. Towards the end, the article relates this weaponisation to the experience of the Catholic Church in the contemporary public sphere and the militant character of Christianity that continues to view the Philippines as a Christian nation.


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