scholarly journals Religious Freedom and the Idea of Establishing Islamic State

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Abu Hapsin
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Literature Review ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
The Body ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
The Public

<p class="ABSTRACT"><span lang="EN">The idea of Gamwell on“religion as rational” was based on the concept that religious freedom is nothing other than a political discourse that can be figured out only through a democratic resolution. Changing paradigm from “religion as non-rational” to “religion as rational” is a necessary condition for entering a public debate. Yet, the sole public debate or public view is not enough to solve the modern political problematic. The public debate must be guided by a constitutional procedure affirmed by the body politic so that it fulfills the criteria of formal claim about justice. Applying qualitative research and literature review this research tried to reveal: Gamwell’s idea of religious freedom, the features of the Islamic State as described by Abdul Rauf and Gamwell’s concept of religious freedom and the idea of establishing the Islamic State advocated by Abdul Rauf.</span></p><p class="ABSTRAK">Gagasan Gamwell tentang "agama itu rasional" didasarkan pada konsep bahwa kebebasan beragama tidak lain adalah wacana politik yang hanya bisa diraih melalui resolusi demokratis. Mengubah paradigma dari "agama sebagai tidak rasional" menjadi "agama sebagai rasional" adalah syarat yang diperlukan sebelum memasuki debat publik. Namun, debat publik atau pandangan publik saja tidak cukup untuk memecahkan masalah politik modern. Perdebatan publik harus dipandu oleh prosedur konstitusional yang ditegaskan oleh badan politik sehingga memenuhi kriteria klaim formal tentang keadilan. Dengan menggunakan penelitian kualitatif dan kajian pustaka penelitian ini mencoba mengungkapkan: gagasan Gamwell tentang kebebasan beragama, ciri-ciri Negara Islam seperti yang dijelaskan oleh Abdul Rauf, dan konsep Gamwell tentang kebebasan beragama, serta gagasan untuk mendirikan Negara Islam yang dianjurkan oleh Abdul Rauf.</p>

The Relational Public

2021 ◽  
pp. 073527512110046
Author(s):  
Paul Starr
Keyword(s):  
Body Politic ◽  
The Body ◽  
Social Categories ◽  
The Public ◽  
Shared Stories ◽  
Theoretical Reflection

This article sets out three ways of conceiving publics: (1) an organic conception, the public as the body politic; (2) an individualized conception, the public as an aggregate of individuals, grouped by social categories; and (3) a relational conception, in which publics are defined as open-ended networks of actors linked through flows of communication, shared stories, and civic or other collective concerns. These conceptions have emerged not only through theoretical reflection but also as the result of historical and institutional developments. Building on work from Tarde and Habermas down to recent theorists, I seek to advance the relational conception, suggest its implications for research, and highlight its connection to contemporary developments in both theory and society.

Sex, Work, and the Victorians

2020 ◽  
pp. 61-80
Author(s):  
Nicola J. Smith
Keyword(s):  
Sex Work ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The Body ◽  
Sexual Deviance ◽  
Commercial Sex ◽  
Victorian England ◽  
Capitalist Development ◽  
The Public ◽  
Stimulation Of

Focusing on Victorian England, this chapter examines how sex was increasingly constructed as something that was primarily biological in nature, and how this was bound up with discourses of prostitution as a threat to the reproduction of the body politic. In the first section, the author considers how the pathologization of commercial sex as abnormal and unhealthy worked to naturalize the public/private split on which capitalist development rested. In the second section, the author connects the medical, moral, and juridical regulation of sex work to the suppression and stimulation of other modes of sexual deviance including homosexuality. In the final section, the author explores the role of race and empire in constituting white, bourgeois sexuality as natural, privileged, and the antithesis of commercialized sex.

Responding to prisoner sexual assaults

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert W. Dumond ◽  
Doris A. Dumond
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Violence ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The Body ◽  
Sexual Assaults ◽  
Promising Practices ◽  
Skill Levels ◽  
The Public ◽  
Prison Rape Elimination Act ◽  
The Status ◽  
Correctional Settings

Sexual abuse in detention has been called ‘the most serious and devastating of non-lethal offenses which occur in corrections,’ because its impact upon survivors of such abuse, and ultimately society, is so profound. Given the proper tools, training, and resources, corrections can and will eliminate prisoner sexual violence. However, we must realize that corrections is a subset of the body politic itself. It is subject to budget shortfalls, political pressure, and the broader attitudes of the public. Adequate financial and programmatic resources must be mobilized to ensure appropriate staff skill levels to keep jails and prisons safe. Safe, well-run jails and prisons can, if properly used, help keep communities safe. The general public will have to be convinced to join this dialogue if we are ever to have safe, constitutionally adequate correctional settings. Corrections can, and must, together with its community partners, respond with vision and leadership to make corrections facilities safe places where human rights and dignity are protected, and the most vulnerable among us can emerge stronger and healthier than they went in. This chapter will explore the status of sexual violence in United States correctional settings in the 21st Century; examine what is currently known about sexual victimization in America’s jails, prisons, and juvenile facilities; discuss the successes and promising practices facilitated by the Prison Rape Elimination Act (PREA) of 2003; consider the challenges that continue to exist; and make recommendations for addressing the issues.

Public-Regardingness as a Value Premise in Voting Behavior

1964 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 876-887 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Q. Wilson ◽  
Edward C. Banfield
Keyword(s):  
Public Interest ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The Body ◽  
The Public ◽  
A Value ◽  
Self Interest

Our concern here is with the nature of the individual's attachment to the body politic and, more particularly, with the value premises underlying the choices made by certain classes of voters. Our hypothesis is that some classes of voters (provisionally defined as “subcultures” constituted on ethnic and income lines) are more disposed than others to rest their choices on some conception of “the public interest” or the “welfare of the community.” To say the same thing in another way, the voting behavior of some classes tends to be more public-regarding and less private- (self- or family-) regarding than that of others. To test this hypothesis it is necessary to examine voting behavior in situations where one can say that a certain vote could not have been private-regarding. Local bond and other expenditure referenda present such situations: it is sometimes possible to say that a vote in favor of a particular expenditure proposal is incompatible with a certain voter's self-interest narrowly conceived. If the voter nevertheless casts such a vote and if there is evidence that his vote was not in some sense irrational or accidental, then it must be presumed that his action was based on some conception of “the public interest.”

Seeds of Cynicism: The Struggle over Campaign Finance, 1956–1974

2002 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian E. Zelizer
Keyword(s):  
American History ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Campaign Finance ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The Body ◽  
Public Financing ◽  
The Public ◽  
Source Of Infection ◽  
Disclosure Laws ◽  
Private Financing

“It is a cesspool, it is a source of infection for the body politic,” Senator Hubert Humphrey (D-Minn.) warned his fellow senators in 1973 about the private financing of elections. “[I]f it doesn't stop, there are going to be good men in this hall right here today who are going down the drain, not that you are guilty, not that you have done anything wrong, but that the public is disenchanted with all of us, and they are going to want somebody new and say I want a fresh one here.” From 1971 through President Nixon's resignation in 1974, Congress enacted the boldest campaign finance reforms in American history, including strong disclosure laws, public financing for presidential elections, contribution and spending limits, and an independent enforcement commission. Despite these reforms, after only a decade under the new laws, citizens still felt that campaign finance was corrupt.

scholarly journals In Defense of Moderate Inclusivism: Revisiting Rawls and Habermas on Religion in the Public Sphere

2018 ◽  
pp. 143-157
Author(s):  
Jonas Jakobsen ◽  
Kjersti Fjørtoft
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Deliberative Democracy ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Public Reason ◽  
Political Liberalism ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Religious Reasons ◽  
Do So

The paper discusses Rawls’ and Habermas’ theories of deliberative democracy, focusing on the question of religious reasons in political discourse. Whereas Rawls as well as Habermas defend a fully inclusivist position on the use of religious reasons in the ‘background culture’ (Rawls) or ‘informal public sphere’ (Habermas), we defend a moderately inclusivist position. Moderate inclusivism welcomes religiously inspired contributions to public debate, but it also makes normative demands on public argumentation beyond the ‘public forum’ (Rawls) or ‘formal public sphere’ (Habermas). In particular, moderate inclusivism implies what we call a ‘conversational translation proviso’ according to which citizens have a duty to supplement religious with proper political arguments if – but only if – they are asked to do so by their co-discussants. This position, we argue, is more in line with the deeper intuitions behind Rawls’ political liberalism and Habermas’ deliberative model than is the fully inclusivist alternative. Keywords: conversational translation proviso, deliberative democracy, ethics of citizenship, Habermas, moderate inclusivism, public reason, Rawls

scholarly journals Metode Komunikasi Dakwah Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) Dalam Mengatasi Paham Radikal Di Kabupaten Labuhanbatu

An Nadwah ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 65
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ferry Syahputra ◽  
Muktarruddin Muktarruddin ◽  
Elfi Yantii Ritonga
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Literature Review ◽  
Research Data ◽  
The Public ◽  
Communication Method ◽  
Study Circle ◽  
The City ◽  
Communication Methods

This research is motivated by the rise of radicalism ideology lately, especially in one of the organizations in the city of Rantau Prapat. The purpose of this study was to find out the dangers of radical understanding conveyed by Muhamamd Gaddafi and members of the Islamic Generation Study Circle (LSGI) to the Labuhanbatu Rantauprapat community and the application of MUI da'wah communication methods in overcoming radical LSGI understanding in Labuhanbatu, and how the Indonesian Ulema Council in overcoming obstacles. - Barriers to the communication of the da'wah. This research uses qualitative research. Data were collected by interview, observation, documentation and literature review. This research was analyzed inductively. The results obtained show that the Labuhanbatu MUI has succeeded in reducing the expansion of radical understanding brought by Muhammad Gaddafi and members of the LSGI in Labuhanbatu Rantauprapat, by applying the da'wah communication method, with this success it is expected to there will be no more people who are tempted by this radical understanding. MUI itself has provided guidance to Muhammad Gaddafi and members of the LSGI by applying the da'wah communication method, the public is no longer restless and afraid of the spread of this understanding, because they are no longer radical

scholarly journals Responsivity of Public Services in Indonesia during the Covid-19 Pandemic

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 552-562
Author(s):  
Surya Arfan ◽  
Mayarni Mayarni ◽  
Mimin Sundari Nasution
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Literature Review ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Public Services ◽  
Government Agency ◽  
Service Process ◽  
Community Satisfaction ◽  
The Public ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Research Type

This study aims to determine the responsiveness of public services in Indonesia during the Covid-19 pandemic, this time digital bureaucracy is very much needed in every government agency in carrying out its duties and functions in order to accelerate the process of public services during the Covid-19 pandemic. Service standardization is the next most important thing to keep the bureaucracy running effectively, quickly and responsively in providing the best service to the community. This study chooses a qualitative research type with a literature review approach. The results of this study found that The Indonesian bureaucracy has not been able to respond to strategic problems in Indonesia quickly due to several obstacles to an apathetic bureaucratic culture, and the lack of participation of all parties in the public service process during the Covid-19 pandemic, there are still shortcomings in terms of speed, quality and community satisfaction. This is also influenced by overlapping policies that take a long time to implement.

The Public Life of Contemporary Australian Poetry

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
David McCooey
Keyword(s):  
Body Politic ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Public Culture ◽  
The Body ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Events ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
The Status ◽  
Traditional Function ◽  
Transnational Discourse

Since the late 1990s, complaints about the status of poetry, and the parlous state of poetry publishing, have been commonplace in Australia and other Anglophone nations. Concomitant with this discourse of decline (a transnational discourse with a surprisingly long history) is a discourse of return, in which poetry is presented as returning to public culture (often through the literalized voice of the poet) to reoccupy the place it putatively held in earlier, if not premodern, times. Poetry’s engagement with public themes and the public use of poetry continue to be important, if sometimes overlooked, elements of Australian literary culture. Indeed, despite its apparent marginality, contemporary poetry could be said to have what may be called an “ambiguous vitality” in public life. While other forms of media continue to dominate public culture, poetry nevertheless remains public, in part by occupying or being occupied by those other forms of media. In other words, contemporary poetry’s ambiguously vital presence in public culture can be seen in the ways it figures in extra-poetic contexts. Such contexts are manifold. For instance, poetry—and the figure of the poet—are mobilized as tropes in other media such as films and novels; poetry is used as a form of public/political speech to articulate crisis and loss (such as at annual Anzac ceremonies); and it is used in everyday rituals such as weddings and funerals. Public culture, as this list suggests, is haunted by the marginal discourse of poetry. In addition, poetry’s traditional function of commenting on the body politic and current political debates continues, regardless of the size of the medium’s putative audience. Recent poetry on the so-called “War on Terror,” the Stolen Generation, and asylum seekers illustrates this. But contemporary Australian poetry engages in public life in ways other than the thematization of current public events. Poets such as Jennifer Maiden, John Forbes, and J. S. Harry exemplify a group of poets who have figured themselves as public poets in a self-consciously ironic fashion; acknowledging poetry’s marginality, they nevertheless write poetry as if it had or may have an extra-poetic efficacy.

Fagchild Tools: Softening the Body Politic and Sexualizing Paul Ryan in a Pussy-Grabbing Era

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 602-618
Author(s):  
Queer J. Thomas
Keyword(s):  
Queer Theory ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
The Body ◽  
Sexual Expression ◽  
Double Bind ◽  
Male Body ◽  
The Public ◽  
Women's Equality

AbstractThis article cautions against the strong impulse in the #MeToo movement to desexualize politics. Informed by queer theory, the article argues that the public desexualization imperative, represented by indignation toward President Donald Trump's pussy-grabbing antics and the concomitant, albeit justified, movement to expose decades of his sexual harassment of women, casts a shadow across queer citizens that chills sexual expression in democratic discourse and public life. The public desexualization imperative presents a double bind that creates, on one hand, public spaces that are less threatening and discriminatory to women and, on the other, public spaces that—from a queer white cisgender man's perspective, one whose only “marking” is his sexuality—erase queers’ valued differences. The author uses personal narrative to describe and apply tools (conceptualized as fagchild tools) that help navigate tensions between women's equality movements and queer efforts to gain fuller, more open sexual citizenship. The article focuses, first, on softening the body politic (implicitly a white cisgender heterosexual male body) to provide sociopolitical space for sexual pluralism. Second, the article uses the sexualization of House Speaker Paul Ryan to argue that making space for queer sexualities may require accommodating the expression of nonqueer sexualities, including those that most of us find offensive.

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