scholarly journals The Meeting of 21–22 November, 1915, about the Reception and Accommodation of Refugees in the Irkutsk Governorate General

2018 ◽  
pp. 20-26
Author(s):  
O. M. Dolidovich
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Public Organizations ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Medical Assistance ◽  
Remote Region ◽  
Charitable Organizations ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up

The article features the meeting held on November 21–22, 1915, where representatives of the authorities, municipal and public organizations discussed the issues of assistance to World War I refugees on the territory of the Irkutsk Governorate General. The study is based on the previously unstudied meeting minutes and the newspaper reports and describes the participants, the main issues, and the results of the discussion. The research made it obvious that initially the authorities did not plan to accommodate the refugees in such a remote region but were forced to redirect them farther east because the western regions were overcrowded. The cities of Eastern Siberiadid not have time to prepare for such a massive resettlement. The migrants were hastily resettled, provided with rations and medical assistance. The money, however minimal and irregular, came mostly from the government, the department of migration, the All-Russian Union ofCities, and local charitable organizations. At the meeting, it was proposed to set up a general Siberian Committee for Assistance to Refugees, to organize local refugee departments, and assign all expenses to the state.

scholarly journals From Ally to Enemy: the Ottoman Empire in Publicistic Works by Ephraim Deinard

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 77-92
Author(s):  
Esther Zyskina
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
The State ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
World War ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 19Th Century

The paper considers is the transformation of the image of the Ottoman Empire in the publicistic texts by Ephraim Deinard, outstand ing Jewish writer and journalist of the turn of the 19th and 20th centu ries. The research was based on two Deinard’s works, “Atidot Israel” (“The Future of Israel”, 1892) and “Tzion be’ad mi?” (“Zion for Whom?”, 1918), which deal with a variety of topics, including Deinard’s opinion on the Ottoman Empire. In particular, the radical change of his position from the statements in “Atidot Israel” to those in “Tzion be’ad mi?” is observed. Deinard discusses the following three aspects, each case being a vivid example of this controversy: 1. The Ottoman government’s attitude towards Jews and the pros pects of the collaboration of the Jewish community with the government; 2. The economic situation in the Ottoman Empire and its foreign policy; 3. The culture and cultural policy in the Ottoman Empire. Deinard’s interest in Turkey was initially caused by his Zionist views, as the Land of Israel was part of the Ottoman Empire. Later, after World War I and especially after the Balfour Declaration in 1917, the Zionists placed their expectations on Britain, while Turkey, after losing the war and the territory so important for Jews, could no more be praised by Dei nard. In addition, Deinard had lived in the USA for more than 30 years by 1918, and it is merely logical that his publicistic works were aimed against the USA’s enemy in World War I. This shift looks especially interesting when looked at through the context of the history of the Russian Jewish Enlightenment. A very simi lar process occurred in the ideology of the Russian maskilim in the 19th century. Throughout the 19th century, they believed that the Jews should be integrated in the Russian society and viewed the Russian government as their ally. The Russian authorities, correspondingly, tried to assimilate the Jews and to make them an integral part of the society. However, af ter the pogroms of 1880s, the authorities’ attitude towards Jews changed dramatically, and so did that of the maskilim towards the government. Laws regarding Jews were tightened and became openly anti-Semitic, and the maskilim started to criticize the state instead of hoping for col laboration with it. Deinard’s works used for this research date to a later period. More over, the aforementioned events influenced his positive attitude towards the Ottoman Empire: concerning the status of Jews in the both countries, Deinard opposed Turkey to Russia. Eventually, however, Turkey took the same place for Deinard as Russia did for his predecessors, the maskilim. His hopes for collaboration with the state were just as replaced by disap pointment and criticism. To conclude, the above similarity may suggest that the shift in Dein ard’s views might have correlated with the change in the ideology of the Russian maskilim.

Charity and donations in the cities of Zabaykalsky Krai during the World War I: interaction between society and the government

2020 ◽  
pp. 24-35
Author(s):  
Elena Sevostyanova
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Peripheral Region ◽  
Information Support ◽  
World War ◽  
Charitable Organizations ◽  
Local Authorities ◽  
Local Initiative ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government

During the World War I, due to the grand scale of mobilization, it would have not been possible to provide assistance to families of the soldiers without help received from charitable organizations, local authorities and individuals. Public and private charity became a part of supporting those in need. The object of this research is charity and donations during organized during the World War I. The subject of this research is the cooperation between the government and the public in the area of charity and donations. The forms, methods and specificity of such interactions are viewed based on the example of a remote administerial peripheral region – Zabaykalsky Krai, with consideration of the overall trends and regional peculiarities. The main forms and vectors of the work are described. Four key trends can be highlighted in interaction between the government and the city residents: 1) the organization of support for the families of mobilized soldiers (both, legal who received state rations, but also had the opportunity to use charitable support, and civil, who did not have the right to receive state rations); social assistance to children; aid to the refugees; collecting donations for the military needs (air fleet, Red Cross, mobile military infirmary, provision and shipment of things for the army). The author notes that due to a wide variety of charitable organizations (local and nationwide), secular and religious patronages, committees (established upon the local initiative and departments under the aegis of the Romanovs family), the composition of active participants often overlapped: same people were the members of several organizations. An important role in all organizations was played by the government officials; however, their motivation requires additional attention. Largest charity fundraisers were the events that received organizational and information support from the local authorities, or mass actions that became a part of public space of the cities.

scholarly journals Training National and Vocational Women: Characteristics of Curriculum of Female Secondary Education in Colonized Manchuria

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Wenwen Wang
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Secondary Education ◽  
The State ◽  
Japanese Empire ◽  
World War ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Chinese Girls ◽  
Over Time

Background: The Japanese puppet state of Manchukuo (1932-1945) set up a specialized curriculum and published textbooks specifically for girls, with the purpose of training girls to become “good wives and wise mothers”. Over the course of the state’s existence, the regime adjusted its curriculum, following the policies and needs of the Japanese Empire. This paper assesses how the government changed the curriculum, focusing on and what kind of female roles they tried to teach to the Chinese girls. Methodology: This paper compares and analyzes the content and classroom hours of the curriculum of public women’s secondary schools in Manchuria in three periods: 1) 1926-1937, 2) 1938-1941, and 3) 1941-1945. The data of this study was collected from material published by the Fengtian Female Normal School, and the Manchukuo provincial education magazine Fengtian Education. Results: From the state’s earliest period, Manchukuo education officials emphasized females’ “natural duty” as “Good Wives, Wise Mothers.” Over time, however, they also increasingly emphasized learning the Japanese language, vocational skills, and patriotic content, in order to serve the goals of Japan during the World War II. Conclusion: Despite the consistent rhetoric which emphasized women becoming mothers, and possibly teachers, the curriculum and contents of the education changed according to the interests of the state and the needs of the war, encouraging women to serve the state by taking up some of the roles that men had played.

scholarly journals WAR, MONEY, MERCY: ARMY AND UNIONS OF LANDS AND CITIES IN THE YEARS OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR

2021 ◽  
pp. 5-23
Author(s):  
Александр Борисович Асташов
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Public Organizations ◽  
Home Front ◽  
World War ◽  
The Public ◽  
Total War ◽  
Military Mobilization ◽  
The Government ◽  
Evacuation Plan ◽  
The Military

В историографии Февральской революции продолжает господствовать политизированный подход в освещении деятельности общественных организаций помощи больным и раненым, используется узкая база, привлекаемые источники страдают односторонностью. Автор предлагает отказаться от политизированности при решении данной проблемы и рассмотреть этот вопрос в свете особенностей Первой мировой войны, как тотальной, требовавшей значительного участия общественности в мобилизации тыла. В настоящей работе используются новые архивные материалы, которые позволяют поновому, максимально объективно рассмотреть ряд вопросов. Настоящая статья имеет целью выявление причин обращения армии за помощью к Всероссийским союзам земств и городов, выявление основных аспектов плана эвакуации, места в нем общественных организаций, вопросов сотрудничества на фронте и в тылу армии и общественности. В работе приводятся данные о финансировании, его структуре, объемах помощи, ее эффективности со стороны союзов земств и городов, их вклад в решение деловых вопросов в сфере санитарного обеспечения армии и населения, а также вопросы нарушений в организации этой деятельности. Автор фокусирует внимание на вынужденности для армии использовать работу союзов земств и городов, как самых крупных инициативных помощников в военной мобилизации общества. Но это же поставило армию перед необходимостью защищать деятельность союзов от нападок консервативных сил в правительстве, даже несмотря на нарушения в деятельности общественных организаций. In the historiography of the February Revolution the politicized approach to the coverage of the activity of public organizations for the help to the sick and wounded continues to dominate, a narrow base is used, and the sources used suffer from onesidedness. The author proposes to abandon politicization in tackling this problem and to consider this question in the light of the peculiarities of the World War I as a total war, which demanded considerable public participation in the mobilization of the home front. This paper uses new archival materials, which allow a new, most objective examination of a number of issues. The present article is aimed at revealing the reasons of the army's request for help to the All-Russian unions of zemstvos and cities, revealing the main aspects of the evacuation plan, the place of public organizations in it, the issues of cooperation at the front and in the rear of the army and the public. The work provides data on financing, its structure, scope of assistance, its efficiency on the part of zemstvos and towns unions, their contribution to solving business questions in the field of sanitary provision of the army and population, as well as the questions of violations in the organization of this activity. The author focuses on the necessity for the army to use the work of zemstvo and city unions as the largest proactive helpers in the military mobilization of society. But this also put the army in the position of having to defend the activities of the unions against the attacks of conservative forces in the government, even in spite of the irregularities in the activities of public organizations.

Commentary: ‘Just the tip of the iceberg’: Queensland’s experience of the influenza pandemic of 1918–20

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-165
Author(s):  
Patrick Hodgson
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Influenza Pandemic ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Coastal Shipping ◽  
The City

AbstractThis article provides a synopsis of the spread of epidemic influenza throughout Queensland in 1919–20.1 Statewide the story was, to a greater or lesser extent, the same – regardless of occupation or whether one was from the city or the bush, on the coast or in the far west, no one was immune; even being 300 kilometres from the nearest epicentre of the outbreak was no guarantee of safety. An examination of the state’s newspapers, particularly the Brisbane Courier, makes it evident that outbreaks of influenza erupted almost simultaneously throughout the state. Aided and abetted by Queensland’s network of railways and coastal shipping, together with the crowding of people at country shows, race meetings and celebrations of the formal conclusion of World War I, the disease was swiftly diffused throughout the state. This article hopes to give the reader a sense of how the sheer scale and urgency of the crisis at times overwhelmed authorities and communities.

„Zurück zu Schleiermacher! und von Schleiermacher aus vorwärts!“

2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Brent A. R. Hege
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Psychological Method ◽  
Dialectical Theology ◽  
Complex Picture ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Definition Of

AbstractAs dialectical theology rose to prominence in the years following World War I, the new theologians sought to distance themselves from liberalism in a number of ways, an important one being a rejection of Schleiermacher’s methods and conclusions. In reading the history of Weimar-era theology as it has been written in the twentieth century one would be forgiven for assuming that Schleiermacher found no defenders during this time, as liberal theology quietly faded into the twilight. However, a closer examination of this period reveals a different story. The last generation of liberal theologians consistently appealed to Schleiermacher for support and inspiration, perhaps none more so than Georg Wobbermin, whom B. A. Gerrish has called a “captain of the liberal rearguard.” Wobbermin sought to construct a religio-psychological method on the basis of Schleiermacher’s definition of religion and on his “Copernican turn” toward the subject and resolutely defended such a method against the new dialectical theology long after liberal theology’s supposed demise. A consideration of Wobbermin’s appeals to Schleiermacher in his defense of the liberal program reveals a more complex picture of the state of theology in the Weimar period and of Schleiermacher’s legacy in German Protestant thought.

The Government of War

2014 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 791-793
Author(s):  
Dina Rizk Khoury
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
World War I ◽  
Identity Formation ◽  
Global Scale ◽  
State System ◽  
World War ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Security Services ◽  
Short Piece ◽  
The Government

I write this piece as Iraq, following Syria, descends into a civil war that is undermining the post–World War I state system and reconfiguring regional and transnational networks of mobilization and instrumentalizations of violence and identity formation. That the Middle East has come to this moment is not an inevitable product of the artificiality of national borders and the precariousness of the state system. It is important to avoid this linear narrative of inevitability, with its attendant formulations of the Middle East as a repository of a large number of absences, and instead to locate the current wars in a specific historical time: the late and post–Cold War eras, marked by the agendas of the Washington Consensus and the globalization of neoliberal discourses; the privatization of the developmental and welfare state; the institutional devolution and multiplication of security services; and the entrenchment of new forms of colonial violence and rule in Israel and Palestine and on a global scale. The conveners of this roundtable have asked us to reflect on the technopolitics of war in the context of this particular moment and in light of the pervasiveness of new governmentalities of war. What I will do in this short piece is reflect on the heuristic and methodological possibilities of the study of war as a form of governance, or what I call the “government of war,” in light of my own research and writing on Iraq.

People’s Movement in Odisha: An Assessment

2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283
Author(s):  
Subhendu Ranjan Raj
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Civil Disobedience ◽  
The State ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Growth Strategies ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up

Development process in Odisha (before 2011 Orissa) may have led to progress but has also resulted in large-scale dispossession of land, homesteads, forests and also denial of livelihood and human rights. In Odisha as the requirements of development increase, the arena of contestation between the state/corporate entities and the people has correspondingly multiplied because the paradigm of contemporary model of growth is not sustainable and leads to irreparable ecological/environmental costs. It has engendered many people’s movements. Struggles in rural Odisha have increasingly focused on proactively stopping of projects, mining, forcible land, forest and water acquisition fallouts from government/corporate sector. Contemporaneously, such people’s movements are happening in Kashipur, Kalinga Nagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, etc. They have not gained much success in achieving their objectives. However, the people’s movement of Baliapal in Odisha is acknowledged as a success. It stopped the central and state governments from bulldozing resistance to set up a National Missile Testing Range in an agriculturally rich area in the mid-1980s by displacing some lakhs of people of their land, homesteads, agricultural production, forests and entitlements. A sustained struggle for 12 years against the state by using Gandhian methods of peaceful civil disobedience movement ultimately won and the government was forced to abandon its project. As uneven growth strategies sharpen, the threats to people’s human rights, natural resources, ecology and subsistence are deepening. Peaceful and non-violent protest movements like Baliapal may be emulated in the years ahead.

Un anacronismo preconstitucional que requiere ser adaptado al bloque de constitucionalidad: el Convenio sobre la pesca en el Bidasoa y en la Bahía de Higuer, de 14 de julio de 1959

2016 ◽  
pp. 261-300
Author(s):  
Carlos FERNÁNDEZ DE CASADEVANTE ROMANÍ
Keyword(s):  
International Agreements ◽  
The State ◽  
Autonomous Community ◽  
Current Block ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up

LABURPENA: Lan honek Bidasoan eta Higerreko badian arrantzatzeari buruzko 1959ko uztailaren 14ko Espainiaren eta Frantziaren arteko hitzarmenaren konstituzio-kontrakotasuna aztertzen du, Espainiari dagokionez. Hitzarmen horrek, hain zuzen ere, espazio horietako ibai-arrantza, itsaski-bilketa eta akuikultura arautzen ditu, bai eta horietan egindako arau-hausteen ikuskapena eta zehapena ere, eta konstituzioa onartu eta ia berrogei urtera, ez du zuzenketarik izan araudi berrira egokitzeko. Hau da, alor horietan eta ur horietan Euskal Autonomia Erkidegoak duen eskumen esklusibora egokitu gabe dago oraindik. Arazo hori konpontzeko, bi aukera proposatzen dira: Euskal Autonomia Erkidegoaren organo eskudunek konstituzio-kontrakotasuneko errekurtsoa jartzea, edo Estatuko Gobernuari Hitzarmena eguneratzeko eskatzea, hitzarmenei eta nazioarteko beste akordio batzuei buruzko azaroaren 27ko 25/2014 Legearen 49., 50. eta 51. artikuluetan xedatutako prozedurak erabiliz. Izan ere, prozedura horietan autonomien parte-hartzea aurreikusten da. RESUMEN: El trabajo aborda la inconstitucionalidad, en lo que a España se refiere, del Convenio hispano-francés de 14 de julio de 1959, relativo a la pesca en el Bidasoa y Bahía de Higuer; tratado que regula la pesca fluvial, el marisqueo y la acuicultura en esos espacios, así como la inspección y sanción de las infracciones al mismo, pero que casi cuarenta años después del vigente bloque de constitucionalidad no ha sido enmendado para adaptarlo al mismo. Esto es, a la competencia exclusiva de la Comunidad Autónoma Vasca en esas materias y en esas aguas. Para corregir esta anomalía se propone que los órganos competentes de la Comunidad Autónoma Vasca soliciten al Gobierno del Estado la enmienda del Convenio en el marco de los procedimientos instaurados por los arts. 49, 50 y 51 de la Ley 25/2014, de 27 de noviembre, de Tratados y otros acuerdos internacionales; procedimientos que contemplan la participación autonómica. ABSTRACT: The article deals with the unconstitutionality, as far as Spain is concerned, of the Spanish-French Convention of July 14, 1959, concerning fishing in the Bidasoa and Higuer Bay; treaty ruling river fishing, shellfish and aquaculture in these waters as well as inspection and punishment of violations of it. Nevertheless, nearly forty years after the current block of constitutionality it has not been adapted to it; this is the exclusive competence of the Basque Autonomous Community in these areas and in those waters. To correct this anomaly the request by the competent bodies of the Basque Autonomous Community for the amendment of the Convention to the Government of the State in the framework of the procedures set up buy articles 49, 50 and 51 of the Law 27/2014, of 27 November, of treaties and other international agreements; procedures including regional participation, is proposed.

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