Legal regulation of religion in the context of ecclesiastical law as a model of a single legal space in Europe

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (S4) ◽  
pp. 1676-1692
Author(s):  
Hanna Yermakova ◽  
Iryna Miakinchenko ◽  
Serhii Stelnykovych ◽  
Oleksandr Maksymov ◽  
Viktor Zahlada

The basic historical conditions for the formation of religious doctrines within the Christian faith were determined. It was established that the church proclaiming the need for unity of Europe did not object to the existence of nation states. The conclusion regarding the desire of the church to subject the political power in the states of Europe and thereby establish unity of management methods was proved. Such methods were based on the principles of Catholic religious doctrine and dogma. The content culturological integration processes in the environment, particularly in science and art was disclosed. It was identified their impact on integration and mutual penetration of ideas of humanistic orientation into the European consciousness.

Author(s):  
Karolus Budiman Jama ◽  
I Wayan Ardika ◽  
I Ketut Ardhana ◽  
I Ketut Setiawan

Manggaraian ethnic has a special art named Caci. The art holds and became an identity of the whole of Manggaraian. The art was begun as the ritual of farmer’s land fertility. In its developing, the aesthetic has gone under the multifunction in it show time. The art is not only performing for the shake of the local people culture, but also perform for the political interest as well as the catholic church in Mangggarai.  This research used ethnographic method, data collected through the observation, interview, documentation, and triangulation. The research was done in Manggaraian ethnic of Flores. Every Caci performance has its own unique ideology. The ideology goes behind the cultural Caci performance is the ideology of fertility. The ideology goes behind the government interest of Caci performance is capitalism economy and political power.  The church ideology is inclusivism through the inculturation languages. Keywords: dynamic, multifunction, caci, ideology, culture identity


2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
THORVALD GRAN

Abstract:John Searle has developed a strong theory of how speech acts and agreements generate institutions. How is the general theory specified for political institutions? He, like Max Weber, suggests that a government monopoly of soldiers is a condition for the existence of political institutions. However, governments' wielding of force is only political if those attacked consider the attack a responsible and a morally acceptable act. All political power in Searle's theory is deontic. It is assigned as a right, an obligation or the like, as a status function. If power wielding by a government is not assigned, it is beyond the political; it is only brute force. My contention is that this distinction limits the power of Searle's theory in the analysis of politics. From the idea of political institutions as ultimate institutions in a specific, bordered territory it is the strong idea of deonticity that is misleading. Ultimate institutions cannot by definition have externally assigned status. Leaders of other ultimate institutions can accept their existence, but then mainly because they have the military power to defend their borders. Nation states, demanding territorial sovereignty, therefore logically demand a monopoly of soldiers. This sovereignty seen over time suggests an evolutionary first principle of political institutions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-101
Author(s):  
Ilya V Bondarchuk

This paper draws on new comparative data from these three cycles of Crimean constitutional process (1992-1994, 1995-1998 and 2014-2018) to provide evidence for a novel approach to changes in political and legal systems - an approach that explains both the impact of constitutional crises as well as the robustness of the systems themselves to a more serious destabilization. Our analyses suggest that the political and legal systems have an inbuilt mechanism that saves them from overheating in times of crisis. The mechanism operates simultaneously on the level of law enforcement and at the level of lawmaking. It is based on the assumption that the political elites are risk-averse. While they react to constitutional crises by looking for new solutions, they mostly do so in “restrained” forms of legal regulation where the consequences of change are easily comprehensible. In political and legal systems that are already relatively complex internal structure, however, the political elite shy away from experimentation and rather rely on tested strategies. Constitutional crises therefore tend to stabilize unstable systems and to destabilize stable ones. They rarely push complex systems over a critical threshold of no return. Based on a positive and contrasting comparison of the three different phases of Crimean constitutional process the period 1992-1994 considered as a transformative constitutional regime in statu nascendi (in the formation stage) with signs of restrained independence in rulemaking. Content analysis of the Crimean constitutions in times of Ukraine (1992, 1995, 1998), fundamental amendments to them and changes in the current legislation, revealed the so-called "negative integration" of the autonomous region into Ukraine (1995-1998). As a result, the legal space of post-2014 was characterized by the presence of both new, not yet tested, and the former, several modified institutions, on the basis of which the current Constitution of the Republic of Crimea 2014 was created. The article presents quantitative data and qualitative "illustrations" of various indicators of the legislation of the Republic of Crimea as a normative component of the legal system using a functional research method.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (9) ◽  
pp. 3-15
Author(s):  
Agustinus Wisnu Dewantara

The political responsibility is important, not because of the need for the love of the homeland and the challenge of the disintegration of the nation in multicultural sphere, but must be born of deep Christian faith. This paper specifically addresses to the lay apostolate in socio-politics-society. The Catholic laity was also called to be salt and light in the political world. The emergence of some form of practical theology (such as liberation theology and political theology) affirms that concern. The theme of the laity will be juxtaposed with a review of the "political attitude" voiced by the prophets in Scripture. The hope is that the laity will become more aware of its social-political calling as part of the faithful life to sound prophetic voice in the world. The struggle of the Church into a prophetic power largely depends on the laity (and of course in good cooperation with the priests). The laity today are called to be new prophets to proclaim the truth without becoming part of the defilement itself


Author(s):  
Michael Jerryson

In the twenty-first century, nation-states such as Myanmar, Thailand, and Sri Lanka rely on Buddhist monks for political legitimation. Some of these Buddhist-influenced governments are dictatorial and/or autocratic. While this state-sangha relationship has been well researched on the ways in which these governments exert overt and subtle Buddhist influences, very little work has been on the political power of the Buddhist monks in these countries. This chapter explores the ways in which Buddhist-influenced governments provide monks with potent political influence to support to destabilize autocratic governments. Buddhist scriptures emphasize the political influence of Buddhist monks, but they provide very little space for lay political power. The lack of a lay model for political influence does not support the advent of democracies. Rather, this doctrinal background provides conditions for autocratic governments and their state violence in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agustinus Dewantara

The political responsibility is important, not because of the need for the love of the homeland and the challenge of the disintegration of the nation in multicultural sphere, but must be born of deep Christian faith. This paper specifically addresses to the lay apostolate in socio-politics-society. The Catholic laity was also called to be salt and light in the political world. The emergence of some form of practical theology (such as liberation theology and political theology) affirms that concern. The theme of the laity will be juxtaposed with a review of the "political attitude" voiced by the prophets in Scripture. The hope is that the laity will become more aware of its social-political calling as part of the faithful life to sound prophetic voice in the world. The struggle of the Church into a prophetic power largely depends on the laity (and of course in good cooperation with the priests). The laity today are called to be new prophets to proclaim the truth without becoming part of the defilement itself


2021 ◽  
pp. 120-148
Author(s):  
David Dickson

This chapter traces the long history of the rival confessional communities in Ireland that cohabited in the cities, which provides a key to understanding urban culture. It underlines the contrast between the non-existent legal status of the Catholic Church and the exclusive constitutional position of the established Church of Ireland. The eighteenth-century Catholic Church continued to function both in Dublin and the southern cities. But deprived of the patronage of a sympathetic gentry, the Church as an organization was drastically weakened after the Jacobite defeat. The chapter then presents the Catholic Church's organizational recovery and the creation of a new Catholic politics, urban and lay in character. It details the growth of functioning parishes of the Church of Ireland built in Dublin between the 1660s and 1800s. The chapter then turns to discuss the Church of Ireland's visible challenge in artisan districts: the arrival of a string of Methodist preachers, and investigates its immediate impact in Dublin. Ultimately, the chapter unveils the political power of Presbyterians in Dublin, and it analyzes the significance of Dublin in the emergence of the reformist tendency in Presbyterianism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 147-175
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Łęcicki

The range and power of how media is transferred – since the time when printing machines were invented in the fifteenth century – has been quite a challenge for specific environments, institutions, ideas and be­liefs; for both, the clerical and secular authorities wanted to influence the distribution of content. The actions of the Catholic Church, in this respect, were to exclude the promotion of heretical ideas, whereas the political power cared about shaping the attitudes of obedience and loyalty (Pokorna-Igna­towicz, 2002). Attempts made to restrict the freedom of the printed word had failed because not all of the authors, publishers and printers conformed to the Church and its rulers; instead, they spread opinions in accordance with their convictions. Reformation can be considered as the first ideological revolution, the success of which was closely related with media coverage (in this case – with the use of print) (Łęcicki, 2013).


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 237-256
Author(s):  
Joseph Bosco Bangura

Sierra Leone has seen the rise of Charismatic movements that are bringing about greater levels of co-operation with the state. This new church development aims at renewing the Christian faith and projecting a more proactive role towards public governance. This ecclesial development shows that African Pentecostal/Charismatic theology appears to be moving away from the perceived isolationist theology that once separated the church from involvement with the rest of society. By reapplying the movement's eschatological beliefs, Charismatics are presenting themselves as moral crusaders who regard it as their responsibility to transform public governance. The article probes this relationship so that the Charismatic understanding of poverty, prosperity, good governance and socio-economic development in Sierra Leone can be more clearly established.


2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 327-334
Author(s):  
Inga V. Zheltikova ◽  
Elena I. Khokhlova

The article considers the dependence of the images of future on the socio-cultural context of their formation. Comparison of the images of the future found in A.I. Solzhenitsyn’s works of various years reveals his generally pessimistic attitude to the future in the situation of social stability and moderate optimism in times of society destabilization. At the same time, the author's images of the future both in the seventies and the nineties of the last century demonstrate the mismatch of social expectations and reality that was generally typical for the images of the future. According to the authors of the present article, Solzhenitsyn’s ideas that the revival of spirituality could serve as the basis for the development of economy, that the influence of the Church on the process of socio-economic development would grow, and that the political situation strongly depends on the personal qualities of the leader, are unjustified. Nevertheless, such ideas are still present in many images of the future of Russia, including contemporary ones.


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