De verkiezing van de CVP-voorzitters in de jaren '80

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-254
Author(s):  
Luk Vanmaercke
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Informal Group ◽  
Social Organizations ◽  
Party Members ◽  
Christian Democratic Party ◽  
Legislative Election

During the eighties, the Flemish christian democratic party (CVP) has elected a new president after every legislative election. These party leaders have to fit in the political and electoral strategy for the next years. In the three cases which are examined here, several candidates were running for the party leadership, but only one was admitted to the election. This indicates that the CVP avoids any form of discord. The chairman bas to be familiar with the party and he is selected in accordance with the equilibrium between the various tendencies and social organizations ("standen") within the party. This selection takes place in a limited, informal group of influential party members, such as the most important ministers, the resigning chairman and the leaders of the "standen". The general party members are not involved in this process ; they can only confirmthe choice of the party elite.

scholarly journals Members versus Experts: The Perceptions of Party Leadership Styles in New Democracies

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (5) ◽  
pp. 810-825
Author(s):  
Sergiu Gherghina
Keyword(s):  
Leadership Styles ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Party Members

Party leaders are highly relevant for contemporary political arenas. Their leadership styles have been often investigated relative to their behaviour and attitudes, but rarely through the lenses of those who observe them closely. This article aims to fill this gap in the literature and compares the ways in which party members and experts evaluate leaders on the transactional–transformational continuum. It uses individual-level data from a survey conducted in 2018 with a modified version of the MLQ. The analysis focuses on eight parliamentary parties in Romania and Bulgaria, covering 19 party leaders and 33 terms over a period of 15 years (2004–2018). The results indicate important differences in the assessment of party leaders, with members having more heterogeneous opinions and seeing them more transformational in comparison to experts.

scholarly journals The AK Party’s Islamic Realist Political Vision: Theory and Practice

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malik Mufti
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Policy Practice ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Islamist Movement ◽  
Actual Policy

The currently governing Turkish AK Party’s reformist agenda at home and its increasingly assertive policies abroad, like the “soft” and “hard” power elements of its foreign policy, reflect a remarkable coherence and continuity in the political vision of the party leadership. That vision—a contemporary manifestation (sometimes described as “neo-Ottomanism”) of an older tradition of Islamic realism—is explicated through a detailed analysis of the speeches and writings of the main AK Party leaders, as well as of their opponents within the Islamist movement, and correlated with actual policy practice. It is further suggested that the AK Party’s preoccupation with its traditional secular-nationalist (Kemalist) adversaries has left it unprepared to confront an even more formidable looming challenge: liberalism.

scholarly journals Direct Parliamentarianism: An Analysis of the Political Values Embedded in Rousseau, the ‘Operating System’ of the Five Star Movement

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Deseriis
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Empirical Observation ◽  
Political Values ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Five Star Movement ◽  
Party Members ◽  
Deliberative Processes ◽  
Technological Affordances ◽  
Elected Representatives

This article focuses on the technological affordances and use of Rousseau, the decision-making platform of the second largest Italian political party, the Five Star Movement. Crossing an empirical observation of the platform’s functionalities with data regarding its use and qualitative data collected during the 2016 and 2017 national meetings of the Five Star Movement, the essay argues that Rousseau supports an emerging “direct parliamentarianism,” which allows party members to entertain an ostensibly direct relationship with the party in public office, at the expense, however, of deliberative processes that may allow them to influence the party agenda. Thus Rousseau leaves the deliberative, and strictly parliamentary moment in the hands of elected representatives and party leaders, leaving to the party base the task of choosing between options that have been defined elsewhere.

Martens IV - Eyskens I - Martens V

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-304
Author(s):  
Marc Platel
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Reform ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Unrest ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Christian Democratic Party ◽  
Democratic Parties

It is striking to note that the political unrest and instability in 1981 coincided with continual and serious unrest on the national money market. On the political party level, one notes that the Christian Democratic Parties and the Socialist Parties had more and more difficulties in getting along with each other. This probably is related to the policyof the new chairman of the French-speaking Socialist Party, who has resolutely chosen to back Wallonia. The Flemish Christian Democratic Party, has still difficulties in seeing itself as the largest party in Flanders and to act appropriately. In addition, the French-speaking Socialist Party feels confident in the conviction that influential circles, including the Court, prefer not to see the Socialists in the opposition. This has motivated some to cling as long as possible to the formation of a three -party cabinet. The actual political situation, however, has clearly demonstrated that such a three-party cabine! cannot fu nction for a long time. The question remains why the Christian Democratic Party has not pursued elections with the same energy as it did in September af ter the resignationof the Martens IV government.  In the meantime, it has become evident that the state reform of August 1980 is certainly not «completed», that is should best be redone, andthat the consequences of this reorganization can be gauged only with difficulty.

Turnout Rates in Closed Party Leadership Primaries: Flash and Fade Out?

2014 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bram Wauters
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Learning Theory ◽  
Motivation Theory ◽  
Participation Rates ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Mobilization Theory ◽  
Party Members ◽  
First Time ◽  
Selection Of

The organization of primaries in which all party members can participate is increasingly used by political parties to select their leader. We focus here on one of the consequences of these procedures – participation rates. Based on general participation theories (mobilization theory, instrumental motivation theory and learning theory) in combination with insights into the introduction and functioning of leadership primaries, we expect that the first time a party organizes leadership primaries, participation rates will be high, but that they will decline gradually afterwards. We have focused on direct member votes for the selection of party leaders in Belgium, Israel and Canada. Our results show that participation rates are not influenced by how many times such a contest is held in a party (only first-time participation tends to be higher), but mainly by how competitive the contest is.

Craxi’s Italy

1985 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincenzo Guizzi
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Decline ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
Christian Democratic Party ◽  
The Government

IT IS NOT EASY TO EXPLAIN THE REASONS THAT LED TO THE appointment of Bettino Craxi as Prime Minister. First of all, there was certainly the political fatigue of the Christian Democratic Party which had held the premiership for 35 years. AIdo Moro, a great man and leader, had tried to mediate between the various currents within the party, as well as between the party and other allied parties (the Republicans, the Social Democrats, the Socialists). But what Moro really dreamt of was a possible alliance with the Communist Party to solve at least the most serious issues, such as terrorism and economic decline. He thought of repeating with the Communists the experience the DC had had in the early 1960s with the Socialists: widening the democratic area with the view of transforming the PCI into a social democratic trend. In order to obtain this he even considered letting the PCI take part in the majority at least if not in the government itself. His disappearance had serious repercussions, especially in the Christian Democratic Party where internal friction grew even stronger than in the past. This resulted in a great drop in the party's power and ability to manage the country politically even if, at least in part, it regained in the 1979 and 1983 elections the votes lost in the 1976 elections.

scholarly journals INDONESIAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF STRUGGLE (PDI PERJUANGAN) STRATEGY IN 2019 WEST JAVA PROVINCE LEGISLATIVE ELECTION

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 95-103
Author(s):  
Muhammad Budiana
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
The West ◽  
West Java ◽  
Legislative Election

Purpose of the study: This study analyses the strategy of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan/PDI P) in dealing with the 2019 legislative elections in West Java Province. As a nationalist party that gained the most seats in the West Java Provincial Parliament from the 2014 election results, PDI Perjuangan faced the challenge of being able to maintain their votes and seats in the 2019 Elections. Methodology: This study used a qualitative method with a descriptive approach. Data sources consist of primary and secondary data. Primary data is data obtained from interviews, FGDs, and observations, while secondary data is obtained from various official documents sourced from the party and the Election Commission. The data obtained is then validated using data triangulation techniques. Main Findings: Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) as one of the political party which participating in the election has adopted several actions that are believed to be able to increase the votes of voters in the 2019 general election. Although the results have not been optimal, because the party had to lose a few seats in the Regional Representative Council (DPRD) as a result of the legislative election, this has given the party lessons to streamline party machinery by considering the heterogeneous conditions of the West Java region sociologically and demographically, especially in strengthening party identification. Applications of this study: This research is expected to be able to provide theoretical benefits, especially for the development of theories or concepts from political winning strategies by political parties through political communication. With the development of the theory or concept, it is hoped that other similar research will emerge and be able to criticize it scientifically. Novelty/Originality of this study: From researching on some of the previous studies, the researchers saw that there were no similar studies that examined the political strategy of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle in winning the 2019 legislative elections in West Java.

scholarly journals Political Party Coup: Anomalies within the Democratic Party

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 331
Author(s):  
Dewi Analis Indriyani ◽  
Zaihan Harmaen Anggayudha
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
Legal Study ◽  
State Official ◽  
General Chairman ◽  
Structural Conflict ◽  
Laws And Regulations

The Democratic Party dispute raises the view that there is dualism within the Democratic Party. The issue of the Democratic Party Leadership Takeover Movement (GPKPD) led to the dismissal of several of its cadres. The dispute escalated with the holding of the Extraordinary Congress (KLB) in Deli Serdang on March 5, 2021. One of the things which triggered the holding of the KLB by the opposition was the management of Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono (AHY). Apart from being seen as not agreeing with Article 83 paragraph (2) letter b in the 2020 Democratic Party's Articles of Association and Bylaws, the validity of the AHY management along with the preparation of the Articles of Association and Bylaws in 2020 was also questioned by several cadres. In addition, the political dynasty by the Cikeas family was also highlighted. This Democrat Party dispute becomes more interesting to study because the AHY opposition's KLB involves an external party who is a state official. This article is socio-legal study that was carried out textually and critically to laws and regulations and policies. The undemocratic management and election of the general chairman in providing opportunities for other cadres to compete in a transparent and fair manner created internal turmoil that led to the dismissal of several cadres. There are anomalies within the Democratic Party with the increasingly clear Democratic Party as a dynastic party, undemocratic KLB arrangements, to the implementation of KLB which is a structural conflict of the Democratic Party with non-structural collectives.

Revisiting McGovern-Fraser: Party Nationalization and the Rhetoric of Reform

2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
JAIME SÁNCHEZ
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Historical Narrative ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Committee ◽  
National Party ◽  
Charged State ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Presidential Nomination

Abstract:The Democratic Party faced a crisis of political legitimacy in the late 1960s as distrust and protest permeated its electoral base. In response, the Democratic National Committee established the Commission on Party Structure and Delegate Selection, tasked with restructuring the party’s presidential nomination process. Contrary to the conventional historical narrative of the McGovern-Fraser Commission that has focused on a supposed displacement of the party’s old guard by radical insurgents, this article instead argues that the main impetus for reform came from national party leaders seeking to build up the legitimacy and authority of the National Committee. Commission Chair George McGovern and the DNC used a particular reform rhetoric that charged state parties with the corruption of the political process, necessitating rescue by an empowered national party. This focus on the nationalizing impulses behind McGovern-Fraser serves to shift our attention away from ideological struggles and toward institutional motives.

The Publicity Division of the Democratic Party, 1929–30

1931 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas S. Barclay
Keyword(s):  
Public Interest ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Other ◽  
Complete Elimination ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
Chief Executives ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Opposition Party ◽  
And Control

Observers of the American political system have long recognized the difficult position of the opposition party as an effective critic of the legislative and executive policies of the party in power, especially in the interval between campaigns. Our constitutional practices result in the nomination of “available” men for the presidency, and in the rather complete elimination of the defeated candidate from a position of acknowledged party leadership. The methods and traditions which govern and control the procedure of Congress are hardly adapted to produce party leaders who can speak authoritatively for the minority. It is rare that the party out of power is cohesive, united, and ready to present and support an alternative program. It is decidedly difficult, under normal conditions, to arouse public interest in the minority's position, save in the period which precedes an election. On the other hand, because of the great prestige attaching to the presidential office, and because of the elaborate methods of favorable publicity so highly developed by recent chief executives, the party in power is able to direct continuous attention to its policies and program.The question of effective minority opposition concerns chiefly the Democratic party, since it seems probable that it will remain, for the most part, in the position of an opposition party. The lack of funds adequately to finance campaigns and the relatively insignificant press support given to the Democracy are factors which accentuate the difficulty.

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