De persistentie van verzuiling op microniveau in Vlaanderen : Een analyse van surveydata over lidmaatschap, zuilintegratie, stemgedrag en maatschappelijke houdingen

Res Publica ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 391-420
Author(s):  
Marc Hooghe
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Health Insurance ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Strong Influence ◽  
Voluntary Associations ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
The Social ◽  
High Degree

An analysis of survey data on membership, pillarisation, voting behaviour and attitudes.Belgian society is traditionally portrayed as heavily pillarised, i.e. having a system of exclusive linkages between voluntary associations and political parties, resulting in the formation of a catholic, a socialist and a liberal 'pillar' within society. Recently, several authors have questioned the validity oft his model. Our survey of the Flemish population, however, shows that pillarisation is an enduring feature of Flemish society. Membership of voluntary associations, trade unions and health insurance organisations remains ideologically motivated, and shows a high degree ofconsistency in this respect. Integration into a 'pillar' exerts a strong influence on voting behaviour, although this effect weakens in younger generations. Pillars also have significant, but weaker effects on attitudes like individualism, trust and solidarity. In the social capital research tradition, these differential effects of membership are often neglected. Although there are signs that pillarisation weakens in Fiemish society, the system certainly has not disappeared.

Het lidmaatschap van sociale organisaties en trouw stemgedrag

Res Publica ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-29
Author(s):  
Jaak Billiet
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Substantial Effect ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The Social ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Age Category

The relationships between the political parties (Christian Democrats, Socialists and Liberals) and the social movements that emerged in the last part of the previous century has been described as a pillarized form of intermediation. The political parties were built on the major cleavages that divided the Belgium society and the links between each organisational network (pillar) and the political party were exclusive, stable, and formal (or structural) . In the so-called new social movements, the links with the political parties are specific, unstable, and informal. A vast and stable support for each network party by the majority of the members of the social organisations that belang to each network (or 'world') is one of the conditions for an adequate functioning of the model of pillarized intermediation. Is that condition still met in Flanders after the General Elections ofNovember 24, 1991 ?This study, based on a sample of 2,691 Flemish voters, shows strong differences in 'faithful' and stable voting behaviour according to the generation and the kind of involvement in the social organisations (trade unions, health insurance organisations, and Christian Labour Movement).  Among the generations that were born after 1945, the proportion of electoral 'movers' is larger than the proportion ofvoters that remain faithful to their network party. In the generations born before 1945, stable and faithful voting behaviour is still dominant in the three traditional political families. The more involvement in the Christian Labour Movement, the higher the degree of stable voting behaviour in favour of the Christian Democratie Party. A logistic regression analysis with church involvement, age category, urban environment, and several organizational variabels shows thatmembership of social organisations still has a substantial effect on stable voting behaviour. The future of the pillarized model of intermediation is discussed in view of these results.

POLITICAL POLICE IN LUBELSZCZYZNA IN THE SECOND POLISH REPUBLIC AS ELEMENT OF STATE SECURITY SYSTEM. ORIGINS, ORGANISATION, ACTIVITY

2011 ◽  
Vol 162 (4) ◽  
pp. 180-199
Author(s):  
Zbigniew SIEMAK
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Information Service ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
State Security ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
The People ◽  
Internal Politics ◽  
The Social

Political Police in the Second Polish Republic was a secret, specialised service assigned mainly to surveying the whole of political and social life in the country and to chasing perpetrators of anti-state crimes, especially the people suspected of revolutionary activity. In the period discussed, it was completely reorganised four times and it appeared under different names: Political Defence, Information Service, Political Police and Investigation Service with specialised departments to fight against political crimes. In practice, Political Police used methods defined as investigational, e.g. arrests, temporary custody, search of people and property, questioning, chases; and operational ones, e.g. observation, surveillance, tapping or confidential enquiry.Till 1926 political services in Lublin Voivodeship were particularly interested in social and political organisations, the activity of which posed a threat to the legal order and the social arrangement of the state at that time. Full operational surveillance was carried out with respect to parties and political movements of communist nature, national minorities and radical peasant activists, whereas the parties that wanted to keep the bourgeois order were not of particular interest to political counterintelligence, but they were only under discrete operational surveillance.After the May Coup, the range of interests of information services in the fourth district changed substantially. In addition to the activity of communists and national minorities representatives, it encompassed the whole legal Pilsudski opposition.Political Police in Lublin Voivodeship had a very important role in internal politics. It worked among other things on:• exposing social tensions, anti-government atmosphere, revolutionary and anti-state actions (mainly communists and nationalists of national minorities);•observing legal groups and political parties as well as trade unions and parliament representatives.Escalation of political crimes in Lublin district was the largest in those regions where illegal communist organisations, Ukrainian national minorities (poviats: Hrubieszowski, Tomaszowski Chelmski and Wlodawski) and Jewish national minorities (poviats: Chelmski, Siedlecki, Wlodawski, and Grodzki Lubelski) were active.Accusations of communist activity were mainly made against people of Jewish nationality and somewhat less frequently against those of Ukrainian, Belarusian or Polish nationalities.

The Growth of Employee Involvement in Australia

1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 472-481 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mick Marchington
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Employee Involvement ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Secondary Analysis ◽  
High Rate ◽  
Quality Circles ◽  
General Phenomenon ◽  
High Degree ◽  
Degree Of Instability

In recent years, a number of case studies have reported a growth in the extent of direct employee involvement in specific workplaces in Australia. On the basis of secondary analysis of the Australian Workplace Industrial Relations Survey data, the author demonstrates that this is in fact a more general phenomenon, even at workplaces where unions have traditionally been well organized. At the same time, the overall pattern of growth has been tempered by a smaller but not insignificant number of deaths as schemes have been discontinued. Suggestion schemes and quality circles have been the techniques most likely to show a high rate of attrition as well as growth, thus demonstrating a high degree of instability. It is suggested that the changing nature of employee involvement, as well as its fluidity, has potential implications for managements and trade unions.

scholarly journals Somos nosotros, somos gobierno. Experiencia de movimientos sociales en Bolivia

2011 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 264-276
Author(s):  
María Virginia Quiroga
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Social Recognition ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The One ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

The emergence of social movements in the public arena had to do with neoliberalism´s negative consequences. Different actors with different interests worked together against the system, which became their “common antagonist”.  On the one hand, after years of autonomous organization, these social movements won social recognition and increased their power. On the other, political parties and trade unions lost legitimacy.  In December 2005, a faction of the Bolivian social movements won the general elections, and Evo Morales (the cocalero movement´s leader) became the first Aymara president in Bolivian history. How to manage this government it is one of the majors challenges the social movements confront in today’s Bolivia. La emergencia de movimientos sociales en la esfera pública está ligada a las consecuencias negativas del neoliberalismo.  Actores sociales provenientes de distintos sectores y con intereses distintos unieron fuerzas contra un sistema que se convirtió en el “antagonista común”.  Después de años de organización autónoma, estos movimientos lograron reconocimiento político e incrementaron su poder de gestión, mientras los partidos políticos y los sindicatos perdían legitimidad.  En diciembre 2005 una facción de los movimientos sociales ganó las elecciones generales y Evo Morales (líder del movimiento cocalero) se convirtió en el primer Presidente aymara de la historia de Bolivia. Cómo gestionar este gobierno constituye hoy día uno de los mayores retos que enfrentan los movimientos sociales.

Capital Exchange between Islamic Boarding Schools and Political Parties in the 2019 Election

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-56
Author(s):  
Siti Kholifah
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Boarding Schools ◽  
Symbolic Capital ◽  
Social Practices ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Study Approach ◽  
The Social

This study examines the social practices of Islamic boarding schools in Jombang in the 2019 elections. It aims to analyze the role and capital exchange between Islamic boarding schools in Jombang and political parties. This study is important because the intersection of Islamic boarding schools and politics has been going on since colonial times until now. The political dynamics of Islamic boarding schools cannot be separated from NU because several NU Kiai are in the vortex of local and national politics. In the 2019 presidential election, a Kiai of NU named Kiai Ma’ruf Amin ran as Jokowi’s partner to be a vice president. As a place for the establishment of NU, Islamic boarding schools in Jombang have a magnet in gaining votes both in the legislative and presidential elections in 2019. By using Pierre ’Bourdieu’s theory as an analytical tool, this research conducted a case study approach. Data collection techniques carried out through interviews, observation, and documentation. The informants are determined purposively. The results of this study indicate that the exchange of capital between Islamic boarding schools and political parties is dominated by symbolic capital exchanges of Islamic boarding schools with the social capital of political elites and political parties. The blue bloodline of Islamic boarding schools and seniority of a Kiai or Nyai have an essential role in determining the reproductive strategy and capital exchange with political parties. Also, the dominance of social practices carried out in Islamic boarding schools. The power of symbolic capital and social capital of NU Islamic boarding school became a tool for conducting bargaining positions with elite political parties, including presidential and vice-presidential candidates. In the end, the capital exchange between Islamic boarding schools and political parties became obvious in getting votes in the 2019 elections.

Strategies of female members of parliament in developing empathy values to gain constituent support

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-142
Author(s):  
Ridhahani
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Marketing Strategies ◽  
Political Marketing ◽  
Research Subjects ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
The Social ◽  
Research Findings ◽  
Islamic Values

This qualitative research aims to describe the strategies applied by female parliamentary candidates to develop empathy values to gain constituent support in the legislative general election in 2014. Research subjects comprise 12 female members of parliament from seven regencies/cities in South Kalimantan who were chosen from different regencies/cities and different political parties. The research findings showed that in developing empathy values, female candidates were able to gain sufficient votes to be members of parliament. The strategies applied were as follows: first, the use of political marketing strategies that covered mapping or segmentation, positioning, and campaigns then monitoring and social capital strategies; second, socialization of empathy developing values conducted internally by meeting the constituents directly (door to door), whether individually or in groups; and third, utilizing their good social capital in relating to and working with other people. The social capital referred to covers: ability to build a network, build confidence, and attach themselves to Islamic values.

Migration, Acculturation and Social Mobility Among the Untouchable Gold Miners in South India: A Case Study

1971 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-178
Author(s):  
G. Ramu
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Mobility ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
South India ◽  
Social Constraints ◽  
Industrial City ◽  
The Social ◽  
Gold Miners ◽  
The City

This paper studies the factors of migration among the Paraiyans of South India. Migration is motivated by a desire to be free from the stigma of Untouchability and perpetual economic bondage. The Paraiyans by coming over to an industrial city try to project a new self free from the social constraints prevalent in their villages. The process of acculturation occurs through the Paraiyan's association with disparate individuals, clubs, trade unions and political parties. Migration to the city has caused them to feel a sense of emancipation from their Untouchable status and occupational immobility.

Trade Unions and Political Parties in Britain, France, Italy and West Germany

1978 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-495
Author(s):  
David Coombes
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Direct Action ◽  
West Germany ◽  
The Social ◽  
Changing Role ◽  
The Relationship

The object in trying to compare the relationship between trade unions and working-class political parties in these four countries was to see how far the relationship had changed in response to certain trends supposed to be common to the countries concerned. The trends were: (i) the changing role of working-class parties themselves; (ii) the decline of political representation, especially by parliamentary means, in favour of direct action; (iii) the growth of government in the social and economic sphere and increasing direct participation by trade unions in governmental decision-making. It was considered important to look at these countries together in view of their growing economic and political interdependence, in spite of fundamental differences among them which affect the roles both of political parties and of trade unions.

scholarly journals The Development of Political Parties during the Reign of Queen Anne

1900 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 69-121
Author(s):  
Walter Frewen Lord
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Services ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
Early Years ◽  
The Public ◽  
Fishing Fleet ◽  
Perfect Security ◽  
The Social ◽  
High Degree

The social conditions of the early years of the eighteenth century were in a high degree favourable to underhand dealings. Although England was on the verge of a great war with her secular rival, the patrolling of the Channel seems to have been almost entirely neglected. Sloops crossed to France, and crossed to England from France almost daily, and went and came unchallenged. H.M.S. Warspite, on seizing a French privateer out of St. Malo, was confronted with the claim of a Yarmouth fisherman, who complained that the boat was his own; that it had been driven to sea in a storm, captured, and carried to St. Malo. Every fishing fleet clearly ran the same risk. The presence of a Seaford peasant having become desirable, for some undisclosed reason, he was kidnapped from his field, willingly or unwillingly, and carried to France. With the Channel in this condition it is clear that although the movements of highly placed men could be watched and controlled, obscure agents could pass and repass in perfect security, so far as the efforts of the pubic services were concerned. Extensive powers of the public services were concerned. Extensive powers of arrest of suspicious persons were enjoyed by the magistracy, but the public services were themselves not above suspicion.

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