scholarly journals Quel régime politique pour les états Africains : le cas du Togo

Afrika Focus ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisée Tikonimbé Koupokpa

As it is the case for most of the African countries, Togo is looking for a constitutional system that ts its political, social and cultural realities. The 1990s were considered as a period of democratic revival, and from those years onwards the constitutional organization was directed towards a parliamentary type of regime which was rightfully or wrongfully seen as an instrument whereby the head of state's powers were limited. However, the unfortunate result of this kinds of organization of the political powers leads to another constitutional system which is more likely to be presidential. Key words: political regime, parliamentary Regime, presidential regime, head of state, president of the republic, prime minister, counterbalance 

Afrika Focus ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Louis Esambo Kangashe

Since the beginning of the democratic process in Mobutu's Zaire, in April 1990, a judicial and political debate has continued to divide the opinion on the power sharing within the executive. The Transitional Constitutional Act, a result of the political negotiations of the Palais du Peuple, was aimed at resolving the competence conflicts between the President of the Republic and the Prime Minister. This constitutional framework, however, was unable to avoid neither the possibility of a "duel" nor the avatars of an alleged "duo" between the two main representatives of the executive function.In the meantime, the frequent violations of the constitution by the head of state have shown that power sharing within a parliamentary system could not come to a compromise with the power practice under Mobutu. KEY WORDS: President, politics, Prime Minister, constitution, Zaire 


2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 223-252
Author(s):  
Milan Rapajić

One of the characteristics of the system of government in the Fifth French Republic is the strengthened position of the head of state, but also the existence of the first minister as a constitutional category with a significant role. The constitution provides the political responsibility of the government with the Prime Minister and ministers before parliament. Certain French writers have opinion that the Prime Minister appears as the central figure of the constitutional structure. The Prime Minister shall direct the actions of the Government. This is 21 of Constitution. Also, there are specific powers that put the Prime Minister in the position of its real head of government. Among the prime minister's most important powers is his right to elect members of the government. It is the right to propose to the President of the Republic the appointment but also the dismissal of members of the government. The Prime Minister is authorized to re-sign certain acts of the President of the Republic. In case of temporary impediment of the head of state, the Prime Minister chairs the councils and committees for national defense, as well as the Council of Ministers. The paper analyzes the constitutional provisions that lead to the conclusion that the position of the Prime Minister is institutionally constructed as strong. Political practice, with the exception of periods of cohabitation, has indicated that most prime ministers have been overshadowed by mostly powerful heads of state. For that reason, it is necessary to analyze the political practice of all eight presidential governments. A review of the already long political life that has lasted since 1958. points to the conclusion that in its longest period, presidents of the Republic dominated the public political scene. The Prime Minister has a more pronounced role in the executive branch during cohabitation periods. However, nine years in three cohabitations cannot change the central conclusion of this paper that the dominant political practice of the Fifth Republic has led to the Prime Minister being essentially in the shadow of the head of state.


Afrika Focus ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-178
Author(s):  
Jean-Louis Esambo Kangashe

President Mobutu and the Prime Minister Under the Transitional Constitutional Act: Duel or Duo? Since the beginning of the democratic process in Mobutu’s Zaire, in April 1990, a judicial and political debate has continued to divide the opinion on the power sharing within the executive. The Transitional Constitutional Act, a result of the political negotiations of the Palais du Peuple, was aimed at resolving the competence conflicts between the President of the Republic and the Prime Minister. This constitutional framework, however, was unable to avoid neither the possibility of a “duel” nor the avatars of an alleged “duo” between the two main representatives of the executive function. In the meantime, the frequent violations of the constitution by the head of state have shown that power sharing within a parliamentary system could not come to a compromise with the power practice under Mobutu.


Author(s):  
Laurențiu Ștefan

In Romania, a highly segmented and extremely volatile party system has contributed to a predominance of coalition governments. Alternation in power by coalitions led by either left-wing or right-wing parties used to be a major feature of Romanian governments. Thus, until a short-lived grand coalition in 2009, ideologically homogeneous coalitions were the general practice. Since then, parties from the right and left of the political spectrum have learned to work together in government. Given the semi-presidential nature of the political regime and the exclusive power to nominate the prime minister, the Romanian president plays an important role in coalition formation. The president also plays a pivotal role by shadowing the prime minister and therefore influencing the governance of coalitions. She has the power to veto ministerial appointments and therefore she can also shape the cabinet line-up. Pre-election coalitions are a common feature, more than two-thirds of Romanian coalition governments have been predicated on such agreements. Coalition agreements dealt with both policy issues and coalition decision-making bodies and the governance mechanisms that have been in most cases enforced and complied with—until the break-up of the coalition and the downfall of the respective government. One very common decision-making body is the Coalition Committee, which has been backed on the operational level by an inner cabinet made up of the prime minister and the deputy prime ministers, which usually are the heads of the junior coalition parties.


Inner Asia ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-117
Author(s):  
Elvira Churyumova

This paper is a brief political and ethnographic commentary on the ‘issues of weakness’ in the current political leadership of Kalmykia. In the Republic of Kalmykia, southwest Russia, ideas about national leaders have been subject to change, depending on the political regime in Russia. Whereas in the Soviet period good leaders, both historical and contemporary, were thought to be skilful managers who did not necessarily have the power to change the course of history, in the post-Soviet period proper national leaders are considered to be those who are endowed with the power to influence history. According to the author, this change in the concept of leadership became possible owing to certain political developments in post-Soviet Kalmykia that allowed alternative ideas to contest some tenets of the Soviet historiography, such ideas remaining largely intact. The tension in Kalmyk historiography between old Soviet and new ideas is unresolved, a situation which is symptomatic of wider tensions and transformations occurring in Kalmyk society itself.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 98-117

This article discusses the evolution and main trends of the post-Communist political regime in the Republic of Moldova. The author’s argument is based on the premise that two opposing tendencies can be discerned in Moldova’s politics between 1990 and 2012. The first was defined by a ‘neo-Communist’ resistance and revival, while the second offered a democratic and reformist perspective, currently epitomized by the project of European integration. The author provides a comprehensive overview of the political transformations during the last two decades, focusing on Moldova’s successive governments and electoral cycles in the post-independence period. A special emphasis is placed upon the uneven, fragile and contested nature of the fledgling democratic processes, constantly weakened or thwarted by geopolitical uncertainty, corruption and the uneasy balance between political pluralism and post-totalitarian tendencies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-248
Author(s):  
L. Ya. Prokopenko

The article analyzes the transformation of the political image of Frederick Chiluba, President of the Republic of Zambia in 1991-2001. As a representative of a new formation of African leaders in the era of the continent’s transition from authoritarianism to political pluralism, he was an ambiguous figure. His role in the return of the multi-party system in the country and in the liberalization of the national economy is discussed. It is stressed that within the framework of the existing political culture this politician was not immune to inevitable mistakes. However, the style and methods of Chilubas leadership (persecution of his predecessor, manipulation using the ethnic factor in order to retain power, ignoring criticism of the opposition and allies) periodically led to tension in the internal situation in the country and negatively affected his political image and the image of the government in general.In 1990-2000s the negative impact of tensions between Zambian politicians who held the presidency at different times on the stability of the country was clearly manifested. The persecution of ex-President Chiluba charged with corruption demonstrated the authorities’ policy to combat this social evil, but it was ambiguously perceived and interpreted by the society and by analysts. It is noted that for all the mistakes and shortcomings of Chilubas ten-year rule, it is necessary to recognize his merits in creating the economic base of Zambia and in proclaiming it a Christian country, which was practically forgotten after his death.The article shows the gradual rehabilitation of Chilubas memory, in which all living ex-presidents and the current Head of State take part. The experience of Zambia shows that under African realities, former presidents enjoy honors and certain privileges, provided they do not participate actively in politics and do not enter into open conflicts with their successors.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (7/S) ◽  
pp. 168-171
Author(s):  
Fazilat Nurmetova

This article provides a detailed analysis of the history of Uzbek-Korean educational relations in the Commonwealth and its further development with the help of Internet data and sources. Research also gives latest information about the head of state also met with the Speaker of the National Assembly and the Prime Minister of the Republic of Korea and took part in the Uzbek-South Korean business forum with the participation of leaders of leading economic and financial structures of the two countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (05) ◽  
pp. 173-176
Author(s):  
Faiq Vahid oğlu Əzimov ◽  

Thoughts on politics and political relations originated in the territory of Azerbaijan in ancient times and have undergone a great evolution. Factors that are very different, and sometimes even contradict each other, have played and continue to play an important role in its emergence and activity. The political system of the Republic of Azerbaijan is political in nature, reflecting the characteristics of the national and historical context. Like all post-Soviet states, the political system of the Republic of Azerbaijan feels a certain influence of the Soviet political system. With the adoption of the new Constitution of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the establishment of the parliament on the basis of the first multi-party system, the formation of the political system of Azerbaijan was legally completed on November 12, 1995. Key words: state, political system, society, government, activity


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (01) ◽  
pp. 51-67
Author(s):  
Rakotondrasoa Helinjiva

Africa is a continent devastated by conflicts and wars of all kinds. After being colonized for more than a century, African countries have sought solutions to solve the problems between them. They thus found their own organization which is the African Union with mixed commissions. The latter, besides dealing with the economic development of African countries, also deal with the management and resolution of armed and non- armed conflicts in the continent. Among these armed conflicts resolved by the African Union is the political crisis in Madagascar in 2009. The resolution of the conflict in Madagascar, despite its very successful appearance conceals some inconveniences for the Malagasy population and the Republic of Madagascar. This paper will demonstrate how the African Union regulates non-weapon conflicts in Africa, including the case of Madagascar, and explain the failures and successes of managing the crisis there. It aims to analyze the problems encountered in the resolution of a conflict, especially internal. Liberalism, more precisely, institutional liberalism is the theoretical framework of this study. To dig deeper into this paper, the research design utilized is the qualitative method with a deductive method. Data collection comes from primary data like books, reviews, reports, newspapers, etc.


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