Does Tariff Liberalization Promote Trade? Latin American Countries in the Long-Run (1900-2000)

2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 1850147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvia Nenci ◽  
Carlo Pietrobelli

This paper estimates the effect of trade liberalization on import performance of selected Latin American countries (which account for about 85 per cent of total Latin America imports). The novelty of this study is that it applies a long-term approach covering the whole XX century using times series and panel data analyses. The empirical exercise shows that the relationship between (lower) tariffs and import growth in Latin America cannot be taken for granted, as it often happens in the literature, and whenever it exists, it is not always quantitatively substantial. In particular, our analysis shows the existence of a long run relationship between tariffs and imports only from the second half of the XX century. It follows that trade liberalization appears effective in fostering Latin America's trade growth only when integrated within a wider process, implying a multilateral and negotiated approach to trade policy. In this sense, multilateral and regional agreements appear to have played a key role not only through tariff reduction but remarkably thanks to the creation of a rule-based system governing global trade relations, through which uncertainty was reduced and the spread of best practices promoted. This result would confirm the thesis of those who endorse the existence of a formalized trading system to guarantee tariff liberalization and foster trade growth.

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 20170083
Author(s):  
Ryan Joy ◽  
Cesar M. Rodriguez ◽  
Inder J. Ruprah

This paper analyzes the long-run relationship between labor share and its determinants for 20 Latin American countries from 1980 to 2014. Using the pooled mean group estimator, we find evidence that technological change, the globalization process, and financial integration, have contributed to the decline of labor share in Latin America. We also find evidence of the importance of institutional factors and public spending for the labor share. Finally, we discuss the role of the informal sector on the dynamics of the decline. Our key findings are robust to various specifications and methodologies.


1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuel R. Agosin ◽  
Ricardo Ffrench-Davis

In recent years, many Latin American countries (LACs) have embarked upon trade liberalization drives. This article reviews the radical changes in trade policy which this has entailed, together with the current and foreseeable results, and offers some policy recommendations regarding complementary measures.The first sustained experience with trade liberalization in recent decades was in Chile, which launched a process in the 1970s that, by the end of that decade, had made its economy one of the most open in the world.


Author(s):  
Gabriela Dutrénit ◽  
José Miguel Natera ◽  
Martín Puchet ◽  
Alexandre O. Vera Cruz

The studies about technological capability accumulation (TCA) processes tend to adopt a narrow perspective to science, technology, and innovation and their policies, which is insufficient to understand these processes. It is necessary to frame the TCA processes at national levels, including technical, economic, environmental, social, and political factors, which interact and co-evolve. This chapter groups these factors into two spheres: the techno-economic and environmental (TEES) and the socio-political (SPS) spheres. The aim is to identify development profiles of Latin American countries in terms of TEES and SPS, and discuss their implications for TCA. It is argued that countries’ evolutionary trajectory combines these spheres differently, which results in diverse development profiles; this affects the TCA. This analysis is based on a dynamics structural model, which combines a long-term analysis (1970–2015) of eighteen countries to verify the existence of cointegration between TEES and SPS, and the identification and estimation of long-run paths that determine different country profiles in the region.


2009 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-307 ◽  
Author(s):  
LEANDRO PRADOS DE LA ESCOSURA

AbstractIn this paper the economic performance of post-independence Latin America is assessed in comparative perspective. The release from the colonial fiscal burden was partly offset by higher costs of self-government, while the opening of independent Latin American countries to the international economy represented a handmaiden of growth. Regional disparities increased after independence, so generalisations about the region's long-run behaviour are not straightforward. However, on average, per capita income grew in Latin America, and although the region fell behind compared with the United States and Western Europe, it improved or maintained its position relative to the rest of the world. Thus the term ‘lost decades’ appears an unwarranted depiction of the period between 1820 and 1870.


Author(s):  
Petr P. Yakovlev

Latin American countries were the first in the developing world on the path of economic integration. In the region, back in the early 1960’s were created the integration groupings, with the aim of strengthening trade ties between the neighboring States and their position in the world economy. As a result, the integration process has been going on for about six decades, transforming the economies of Latin America. Integration largely determines the main vectors of development of foreign trade relations, affects the direction of cross-border investment flows, strengthens corporate relationships and the emergence of various forms of production cooperation, stimulates scientific and technological cooperation, “pushes” the countries of the region towards closer political interaction. At the same time Latin American integration appears a complex and contradictory phenomenon, its history has known periods of high activity and long pauses, reversals, attempts by individual States to revise the rules of the game, receive unilateral benefits. In recent years, the integration process in Latin America acquires new features and characteristics, increasing its importance for the social and economic future of the region.


2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (01) ◽  
pp. 1740003 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHUNG-CHIAN TENG

Since the start of the 21st century, it is clear that China has increasingly turned its attention to Latin America. Although not included in China’s “One Belt, One Road” initiative officially, Latin America has already garnered substantial commitment from China as a result of the latter’s financial funding for development projects and the enhancement of two-way trade relations. In recent years, scholarly research has tended to analyze China’s financial clout and its impact on the governmental domestic and external decisions of Latin American countries. In this study, my purpose is to examine China’s financial initiative and its influence on development projects in Latin America. With the advent of a “new normal” in China, Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang respectively proposed a “[Formula: see text]” model and “[Formula: see text]” model in 2014 and 2015 — a reflection of China’s assertive economic diplomacy during the Xi era. Their plan was to have China adopt a more active position toward the provision of financial loans to Latin American nations. China’s financial funds and construction assistance have been poured into key infrastructural projects, such as those related to power generation and transportation in Ecuador and Argentina. It can be expected that such projects satisfy the needs of both the people as well as the government, and contribute to genuine development there. On top of the involvement of China in relation to technology, equipment, and design, an expansion in cooperation and partnership is currently and will also be in the future the best reward for China.


Author(s):  
Javier Cifuentes-Faura

The pandemic caused by COVID-19 has left millions infected and dead around the world, with Latin America being one of the most affected areas. In this work, we have sought to determine, by means of a multiple regression analysis and a study of correlations, the influence of population density, life expectancy, and proportion of the population in vulnerable employment, together with GDP per capita, on the mortality rate due to COVID-19 in Latin American countries. The results indicated that countries with higher population density had lower numbers of deaths. Population in vulnerable employment and GDP showed a positive influence, while life expectancy did not appear to significantly affect the number of COVID-19 deaths. In addition, the influence of these variables on the number of confirmed cases of COVID-19 was analyzed. It can be concluded that the lack of resources can be a major burden for the vulnerable population in combating COVID-19 and that population density can ensure better designed institutions and quality infrastructure to achieve social distancing and, together with effective measures, lower death rates.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nubia Muñoz

It is too early to know which will be the final death toll from the Covid-19 or SARS-CoV-2 virus epidemy in Latin America since the epidemy is still active and we will not know when it will end. The curve for new infections and deaths has not reached yet a peak (Figure 1). In addition, we know little about the epidemiology of this new virus. The daily litany of the number of people infected with the number of admissions to hospitals and intensive care units and the number of deaths guides health authorities to plan health services and politicians to gauge the degree of confinement necessary to control the transmission of the virus, but it says little about the magnitude of the problem if we do not relate it to the population at risk. At the end of the pandemic, we will be able to estimate age-standardized death rates for the different countries, but until then the crude death rates will provide a first glance or snapshot of the death toll and impact of the pandemic from March to May 2020. These rates are well below those estimated in other countries in Europe and North America: Belgium (82.6), Spain (58.0), the United Kingdom (57.5), Italy (55.0), France (42.9), Sweden (41.4), and the US (30.7). (Johns Hopkins CSSE, May 30, 2020). However, in the European countries and the US the number of deaths has reached a peak, while this is not the case in Latin American countries. (Figure 1). It should be taken into account that the above rates are crude and therefore, some of the differences could be due to the fact that European countries have a larger proportion of the population over 70 years of age in whom higher mortality rates have been reported.


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