GOING BLUE FROM RED – CHINESE ENGAGEMENT IN THE UN PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (3/2021) ◽  
pp. 173-195
Author(s):  
Slobodan Popovic ◽  
Ljiljana Stevic

This paper shall explore the reasons that triggered China to boost its security and economic influence within the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO) as a tool for embracing international challenges. By doing so, China is not just sharing the burden of providing international stability and achieving the UN Sustainable Development Goals, but exerting its influence in the process. Analysing the proposed subject, it will be demonstrated that China faces numerous obstacles whilst trying to insert the “Chinese characteristics” within the geopolitical order, geo-economics distribution of wealth and international security architecture. Instead of being perceived as a responsible stakeholder, China`s ambitious initiatives can, additionally, stir the China Threat Theory in the international community. This paper shall be consisted of two parts. The first part will tackle China`s growing footprint within the UNPKO from the end of the Cold War onward. The second part will explore the reasons that triggered China to swift its role within the UNPKO. Both global and domestic reasons will be analysed too.

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (16) ◽  
pp. 4374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luca Coscieme ◽  
Paul Sutton ◽  
Lars F. Mortensen ◽  
Ida Kubiszewski ◽  
Robert Costanza ◽  
...  

Increasingly, empirical evidence refutes many of the theoretical pillars of mainstream economics. These theories have persisted despite the fact that they support unsustainable and undesirable environmental, social, and economic outcomes. Continuing to embrace them puts at risk the possibility of achieving the Sustainable Development Goals and overcoming other global challenges. We discuss a selection of paradoxes and delusions surrounding mainstream economic theories related to: (1) efficiency and resource use, (2) wealth and wellbeing, (3) economic growth, and (4) the distribution of wealth within and between rich and poor nations. We describe a wellbeing economy as an alternative for guiding policy development. In 2018, a network of Wellbeing Economy Governments (WEGo), (supported by, but distinct from, the larger Wellbeing Economy Alliance—WEAll) promoting new forms of governance that diverge from the ones on which the G7 and G20 are based, has been launched and is now a living project. Members of WEGo aim at advancing the three key principles of a wellbeing economy: Live within planetary ecological boundaries, ensure equitable distribution of wealth and opportunity, and efficiently allocate resources (including environmental and social public goods), bringing wellbeing to the heart of policymaking, and in particular economic policymaking. This network has potential to fundamentally re-shape current global leadership still anchored to old economic paradigms that give primacy to economic growth over environmental and social wealth and wellbeing.


2009 ◽  
Vol 13 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 101-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liu Tiewa

AbstractThis article briefly reviews and explains China's expanding involvement in UN Peace Keeping Operations, especially after the end of the Cold War. The reader will see the political issues arising from the peacekeeping operations of China, including perceptions, guidelines, principles and main concerns. China's evolving posture and capacity prepares it for future participation in UN peacekeeping operations and highlights China's reaction to the demands of its increased integration into the international community. China's involvement in UN PKO is examined from the perspective of mainstream IR theories. The article concludes by asserting that in the new century China will function as a more open, confident and responsible permanent member of the Security Council through its contributions to UN Peace Keeping Operations.


Author(s):  
Yosuke Nagai

The security-development nexus has become one of the most important agendas especially in the field of peacebuilding in response to urgent needs in complex humanitarian assistance in war-torn areas. With the changing dynamics of conflict since the end of the Cold War, recent peacebuilding efforts have employed a combination of security and development paradigm to ameliorate severe human rights situations in different contexts. In particular, the functionality of security-development nexus has been well observed in post-conflict scenarios where broader state-building, institutional, security, and governance-related reforms were implemented to ensure sustainable peace processes. In addition, it has been criticized in terms of the imposed liberal values. This article critically analyzes the security-development nexus and attempts to examine how and why the nexus has become essential to the post-Cold War peacebuilding framework. It further elucidates the role of the United Nations (UN) as the leading actor in peacebuilding operations, especially in the form of UN Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) which have played a significant role in establishing and consolidating peace in various conflict-ridden societies.


Author(s):  
Kelly Whiting

A major challenge for contemporary military policy makers has been the integration of gender into policy. Since 2000, Canada has opened all military roles (including combat and naval ones) to women. This includes Canadian participation in peacekeeping operations (PKO), an essential part of the national identity.  From Lester B. Pearson’s work with the United Nations during the Suez crisis to missions in Haiti, Cyprus and Bosnia, Canada has been a part of multilateral operations to support peaceful resolution of conflicts throughout the 20th and 21st centuries. Tens of thousands of Canadians have served in over 40 peacekeeping and peace support operations since the 1960s (Veterans Affairs Canada, 2011, 2012). Despite the freedom to participate, women still constitute a significant minority of Canadian and UN peacekeeping forces. Yet, the nature of PKO and the roles Canadians play today has changed significantly since the end of the Cold War. The impact of armed conflict on women has dramatically increased and the violation of women’s rights has become a focal point in most modern conflicts. Due to the changes in conflicts and the role of a peacekeeper, the integration of gender into all aspects of peacekeeping operations would significantly increase their operational effectiveness. I will begin by explaining the types of modern peacekeeping operations, defining the concept of gender and discussing how operational effectiveness of peacekeeping is measured. Utilizing this definition of operational effectiveness, this presentation will explore how the inclusion of gender will increase operational effectiveness from two perspectives – that of the peacekeeper and that of the victim.


Author(s):  
Yu. Skorokhod

Since the accession of the People’s Republic of China to the UN in 1971, its approach to UN peacekeeping operations underwent significant alterations at least three times: after 1981, 1989/1990 and after 2003. This article examines the peculiarities of China’s approach to UN peacekeeping operations in 1971–1980 as to the tool of interference in the internal affairs of small states exercised by superpowers. The article claims that although Beijing’s approach to participation in UN peacekeeping efforts changed when in 1981 China began to vote on the UN Security Council for extending the mandates of UN current operations and began to pay contributions to the budget for peacekeeping, the evolution of China’s stance towards UN peacekeeping activities in fact became apparent only following the end of the Cold War, when China was able to take part in launching and implementation of the new peacekeeping operations. Beijing’s vision of the settlement of conflicts in the Persian Gulf (1990–1991) and Somalia, which had a significant impact on China’s position on the new trends in the development of UN peacekeeping practices, was also explored in the article. The author provides a thorough analysis of the main features of Chinaʼs stance on the development of theory and practice of UN peacekeeping in 1981–2003 and points out that in contrast to the previous period of 1971–1980 the countryʼs opposition to it was limited but not overwhelming, since China had elaborated its attitude towards peacekeeping in terms of its own national interests but not ideological reasons, in particular because of the need to create favorable external conditions for implementation of domestic reforms. The article also pays much attention to the study of changes which Chinaʼs peacekeeping policy has undergone since 2003 and which were marked by a significant increase in Chinaʼs participation in UN peacekeeping. The author explains the reasons behind reconsideration by the Chinese leadership of the role which UN peacekeeping played in Beijingʼs strategy of foreign policy; the article also defined political and reputational benefits which China derived from participating in UN peacekeeping operations. The conclusion is that Beijingʼs position on UN peacekeeping evolved from vivid obstructionism to active participation because of significant changes in Chinaʼs foreign and security policy and the development of theory and practice of UN peacekeeping in the post-Cold War period. The article proves that the core traits of Chinaʼs policy towards UN peacekeeping are flexibility and pragmatism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Theo Neethling

Following the end of the Cold War and significant changes in the international community, Chinese leaders moved from a reluctant stand in United Nations (UN) activities to a position of active cooperation in UN peacekeeping. In fact, China became the biggest contributor of troops to UN peacekeeping operations among the permanent members of the Security Council. Towards the mid-2000s, China was involved in all seven UN peacekeeping operations on the African continent. This dramatic surge in Chinese peacekeeping participation coincided with Beijing's efforts in the early 2000s to deliberately expand its economic and diplomatic influence globally through trade and diplomatic links, as well as through its participation in international organisations, including UN peacekeeping operations. However, there have always been limits to China's involvement in peacekeeping operations. Beijing's views on peacekeeping have consistently been based on a sound respect for state sovereignty and the principle of non-intervention. In this context, this article points out that on the one hand, China is increasingly expected to concern itself with the global responsibilities of a great power,but as its strategic and material interests have become more integrated and entangled with the African continent, Beijing is more and more compelled to consider its national interest and to protect those interestsin Africa. Consequently, China's growing involvement in peacekeeping has become more difficult to reconcile with the country's commitment to non-interventionism, particularly as witnessed in the case of South Sudan. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-114
Author(s):  
Kristian Skrede Gleditsch

A recent report by the United Nations and the World Bank argues that the world has seen “a surge in violent conflicts in recent years,” with a sharp increase in reported battle-related and terrorist attacks, and calls for preventive action to ensure that increasing conflict does not undermine the UN Sustainable Development Goals. I will argue that this is a far too pessimistic assessment of conflict trends and not borne out of the available evidence, which indicates a decline in violent conflict since the end of the Cold War. Alarmist warnings may seem helpful to call for action, but they detract attention from what we can learn about the causes for why conflict has declined. For example, resort to violence has become less frequent where factors that can motivate resort to violence such as political and ethnic exclusion have decreased. Moreover, conflict of interest does not imply violence, and the space for nonviolent alternatives has increased. The future of conflict and peace depends on our confidence in whether positive changes will continue and our understanding of the possible challenges.


2005 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert Legault

Even though substantial administrative and financial changes have been introduced in the United Nations since the early 1980s, the end of the Cold War has brought about a turning point in its process of reform. The impressive growth of UN peacekeeping operations has tipped the balance in favor of major transformations in this field. Indeed, since the publication of the Secretary General’s (Agenda for Peace) many changes have been undertaken and improvements achieved. However much still needs to be done. This paper addresses three particular issues: institutional reforms, organizational reforms and reforms through adjustments. While little will be said on the first two issues, since they are relatively well known and treated elsewhere, this paper will focus on UN'S peacekeeping operations and their actual evolution as a way of assessing the continuing process of reform in the United Nations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 227 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Sandro Gomes Pessoa ◽  
Linda Liebenberg ◽  
Dorothy Bottrell ◽  
Silvia Helena Koller

Abstract. Economic changes in the context of globalization have left adolescents from Latin American contexts with few opportunities to make satisfactory transitions into adulthood. Recent studies indicate that there is a protracted period between the end of schooling and entering into formal working activities. While in this “limbo,” illicit activities, such as drug trafficking may emerge as an alternative for young people to ensure their social participation. This article aims to deepen the understanding of Brazilian youth’s involvement in drug trafficking and its intersection with their schooling, work, and aspirations, connecting with Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 4 and 16 as proposed in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development adopted by the United Nations in 2015 .


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document