Gender and Peacekeeping

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelly Whiting
Keyword(s):  
Focal Point ◽  
Operational Effectiveness ◽  
Suez Crisis ◽  
Peacekeeping Operations ◽  
Un Peacekeeping ◽  
Peacekeeping Forces ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Impact

A major challenge for contemporary military policy makers has been the integration of gender into policy. Since 2000, Canada has opened all military roles (including combat and naval ones) to women. This includes Canadian participation in peacekeeping operations (PKO), an essential part of the national identity.  From Lester B. Pearson’s work with the United Nations during the Suez crisis to missions in Haiti, Cyprus and Bosnia, Canada has been a part of multilateral operations to support peaceful resolution of conflicts throughout the 20th and 21st centuries. Tens of thousands of Canadians have served in over 40 peacekeeping and peace support operations since the 1960s (Veterans Affairs Canada, 2011, 2012). Despite the freedom to participate, women still constitute a significant minority of Canadian and UN peacekeeping forces. Yet, the nature of PKO and the roles Canadians play today has changed significantly since the end of the Cold War. The impact of armed conflict on women has dramatically increased and the violation of women’s rights has become a focal point in most modern conflicts. Due to the changes in conflicts and the role of a peacekeeper, the integration of gender into all aspects of peacekeeping operations would significantly increase their operational effectiveness. I will begin by explaining the types of modern peacekeeping operations, defining the concept of gender and discussing how operational effectiveness of peacekeeping is measured. Utilizing this definition of operational effectiveness, this presentation will explore how the inclusion of gender will increase operational effectiveness from two perspectives – that of the peacekeeper and that of the victim.

To the issue of the formation of peacekeeping idea (on the example of the Suez Crisis of 1956)

2020 ◽  
pp. 192-200
Author(s):  
Daria M. Pokrovskaya
Keyword(s):  
Great Powers ◽  
Suez Crisis ◽  
Regional Conflicts ◽  
Un Peacekeeping ◽  
Peacekeeping Forces ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Draw Conclusion ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Cold War

The Suez Crisis of 1956 is considered one of the most acute regional conflicts of the Cold War period. Two of the five member states of the Security Council were involved in the conflict, who actively exercised the right of “veto” during any attempts at settlement, which paralyzed the existing mechanism for resolving conflicts within the UN. The disagreements of the “great” powers threatened to grow from a diplomatic confrontation into a military one, and conflict from regional to global. The solution was found at one of the sessions of the General Assembly, where Canadian L.B. Pearson presented his idea of resolving the conflict by creating the UN Emergency Forces. The study is devoted to the idea of creating a UN peacekeeping force, the founder of which is Canadian diplomat L.B. Pearson. The purpose of this study is to analyze the role of L.B. Pearson in the formation of the idea of peacekeeping, on the example of participation in the settlement of the Suez Crisis. We discuss the historical aspects and conditions for the creation of the UN Emergency Forces, a comparative analysis was conducted with the first observation missions of the UN, substantiate principles, which became the basis for the functioning of peacekeeping forces. We draw conclusion that it was L.B. Pearson’s ideas that contributed to the resolution of one of the most acute crises of the second half of the 20th century, and the creation of peacekeeping forces proved the effectiveness of the UN in maintaining international peace and security, conflict resolution, and also laid the foundation for modern peacekeeping.

Ciguapas in New York: Transcultural Ethnicity and Transracialization in Dominican American Performance

2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
EMILIA MARÍA DURÁN-ALMARZA
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Dominican Republic ◽  
Identity Formation ◽  
The Usa ◽  
And Migration ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Dominican Women ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Dominican American

The Dominican American community in New York is perhaps one of the best examples of how processes of transculturation are affecting traditional definitions of ethnic identification. Given the intense economic, social and cultural transnational exchanges between the island and the USA from the 1960s, Dominicanyorks have been challenging the illusion of homogeneity in the definition of Americanness for decades, creating transnational social networks that transcend traditional national and ethnographic boundaries. The theatrical works of Josefina Báez, a Dominican American performer living in New York, and Sherezada (Chiqui) Vicioso, a Dominican poet and playwright who lived and worked in the US metropolis for decades before moving back to the Dominican Republic, lyrically explore issues of diaspora, identity and migration and the impact these phenomena might have in the lives of migrant Dominican women. Presenting diasporic experiences from two differing but interconnected locales – New York and the Dominican Republic – these plays offer two complementary views on the ways in which ethnicity, race, social class, age and geopolitical location interact in the formation of transcultural identities, thus contributing to develop a hemispheric approach to the study of identity formation in the Americas.

scholarly journals Advancing the Frontier of Peacekeeping Research

2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (7) ◽  
pp. 1595-1600 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodora-Ismene Gizelis ◽  
Michelle Benson
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
Special Section ◽  
Empirical Literature ◽  
Peacekeeping Operations ◽  
Units Of Analysis ◽  
Specific Composition ◽  
Un Peacekeeping ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Cultural Affinity ◽  
The Impact

The impact of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping on conflict has received a sustained amount of attention in the empirical literature. The advent of new data on UN peacekeeping and new temporal units of analysis have enabled researchers to expand the frontiers of peacekeeping research and undertake a more nuanced examination of peacekeeping effectiveness. In this special section, a series of articles examine how UN peacekeeping affects different types of violence within conflicts and leads to different types of peaceful outcomes. Factors such as the cultural affinity between peacekeepers and local communities, the size of peacekeeping operations and the specific composition of UN forces are shown to be important variables associated with lower levels of casualties and violence and also a higher likelihood of mediation and timely peaceful settlements in civil wars. In the aggregate, these articles suggest that robust peacekeeping is associated with better outcomes in many stages of conflict.

A test of the democratic peacekeeping hypothesis: Coups, democracy, and foreign military deployments

2020 ◽  
pp. 002234332090562
Author(s):  
Jamie Levin ◽  
Joseph MacKay ◽  
Anne Spencer Jamison ◽  
Abouzar Nasirzadeh ◽  
Anthony Sealey
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Regime Type ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Private Goods ◽  
Un Peacekeeping ◽  
Incumbent Regime ◽  
Coup Risk ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Impact ◽  
At Home

While peacekeeping’s effects on receiving states have been studied at length, its effects on sending states have only begun to be explored. This article examines the effects of contributing peacekeepers abroad on democracy at home. Recent qualitative research has divergent findings: some find peacekeeping contributes to democratization among sending states, while others find peacekeeping entrenches illiberal or autocratic rule. To adjudicate, we build on recent quantitative work focused specifically on the incidence of coups. We ask whether sending peacekeepers abroad increases the risk of military intervention in politics at home. Drawing on selectorate theory, we expect the effect of peacekeeping on coup risk to vary by regime type. Peacekeeping brings with it new resources which can be distributed as private goods. In autocracies, often developing states where UN peacekeeping remuneration exceeds per-soldier costs, deployment produces a windfall for militaries. Emboldened by new resources, which can be distributed as private goods among the selectorate, and fearing the loss of them in the future, they may act to depose the incumbent regime. In contrast, peacekeeping will have little effect in developed democracies, which have high per-troop costs, comparatively large selectorates, and low ex-ante coup risk. Anocracies, which typically have growing selectorates, and may face distinctive international pressures to democratize, will likely experience reduced coup risk. We test these claims with data covering peacekeeping deployments, regime type, and coup risk since the end of the Cold War. Our findings confirm our theoretical expectations. These findings have implications both for how we understand the impact of participation in peacekeeping – particularly among those countries that contribute troops disproportionately in the post-Cold War era – and for the potential international determinants of domestic autocracy.

Why peace endures: an analysis of post-conflict stabilisation

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Caplan ◽  
Anke Hoeffler
Keyword(s):  
Sierra Leone ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
East Timor ◽  
Mixed Methods Approach ◽  
Peacekeeping Operations ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Negotiated Settlements ◽  
Un Peacekeeping ◽  
Conflict Termination ◽  
The Impact

AbstractThis article is concerned with explaining why peace endures in countries that have experienced a civil armed conflict. We use a mixed methods approach by evaluating six case studies (Burundi, East Timor, El Salvador, Liberia, Nepal, Sierra Leone) and survival analysis that allows us to consider 205 peace episodes since 1990. We find that it is difficult to explain why peace endures using statistical analysis but there is some indication that conflict termination is important in post-conflict stabilisation: negotiated settlements are more likely to break down than military victories. We also consider the impact of UN peacekeeping operations on the duration of peace but find little evidence of their contribution. However, in situations where UN peacekeeping operations are deployed in support of negotiated settlements they do seem to contribute to peace stabilisation.

Marching for a More Open, Confident and Responsible Great Power: Explaining China's Involvement in UN Peacekeeping Operations

2009 ◽  
Vol 13 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 101-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liu Tiewa
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Security Council ◽  
International Community ◽  
Great Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Peacekeeping Operations ◽  
Un Peacekeeping ◽  
Permanent Member ◽  
The Cold War

AbstractThis article briefly reviews and explains China's expanding involvement in UN Peace Keeping Operations, especially after the end of the Cold War. The reader will see the political issues arising from the peacekeeping operations of China, including perceptions, guidelines, principles and main concerns. China's evolving posture and capacity prepares it for future participation in UN peacekeeping operations and highlights China's reaction to the demands of its increased integration into the international community. China's involvement in UN PKO is examined from the perspective of mainstream IR theories. The article concludes by asserting that in the new century China will function as a more open, confident and responsible permanent member of the Security Council through its contributions to UN Peace Keeping Operations.

scholarly journals The Imperative to Explore the Impact of Disarmament on Peacemaking Efforts and Conflict Recurrence

2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 347-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie Levin ◽  
Dan Miodownik
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Internal Armed Conflict ◽  
Un Peacekeeping ◽  
Conflict Termination ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Durable Peace

AbstractThere is today a well-established consensus that belligerents must be disarmed in order to reconstruct shattered states and establish a robust and durable peace in the wake of internal armed conflict. Indeed, nearly every UN peacekeeping intervention since the end of the Cold War has included disarmament provisions in its mandate. Disarmament is guided by the arrestingly simple premise that weapons cause conflict and, therefore, must be eradicated for a civil conflict to end. If the means by which combatants fight are eliminated, it is thought, actors will have little choice but to commit to peace. Disarmament is, therefore, considered a necessary condition for establishing the lasting conditions for peace. To date, however, no systematic quantitative analysis has been undertaken of the practice of disarmament and the causal mechanisms remain underspecified. This paper is a preliminary attempt to fill that gap. In it we outline a series of hypotheses with which to run future statistical analyses on the effects of disarmament programs. The success of negotiations and the durability of peace are, perhaps, the single most salient issues concerning those engaged in conflict termination efforts. We therefore focus the bulk of this paper on a review of the supposed effects of disarmament on negotiating outcomes and war recurrence.

scholarly journals Mai rangiriri ki Pōkaewhenua: The confiscation of Pōkaewhenua in the national interest - 1961-1969

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Dione Lee Marama Payne
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
World View ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Significant Implication ◽  
Waste Land ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Impact

<p>The title of this thesis, Mai Rangiriri ki Pōkaewhenua, refers to the battle of Rangiriri as the point of reference that marks the first confiscation of Waikato land. It was at Rangiriri that Waikato Māori took up arms to defend their land against the invading army and in doing so, by Crown law, forfeited their customary ownership over their land through confiscation. It would be one hundred years later that another confiscation occured at Pōkaewhenua in the 1960s. The confiscation of Māori land is commonly discussed in New Zealand history literature as a practice of the nineteenth-century. However in this thesis I argue the practice of confiscation has endured into the 1960s through facilitated alienations of allegedly unproductive Māori land through lease and sale. This thesis examines the case study of Lot 512 in the Parish of Whangamarino to show how government agencies utilised some common practices of confiscation such as through legislation, economic expansion, settlement, conflict of interests, tenurial revolution and the concept of waste land to confiscate Pōkaewhenua through facilitated alienation in the national interest. Although the practice of alienation was widespread, the sale and lease of Māori land due to an alleged lack of productivity under Part XXV of the Māori Affairs Act 1953 was seldom investigated as part of Treaty settlements. For hapū and whānau, particularly in the Waikato, the re-examination of land alienation may change their land history and the manner in which future Treaty claims are investigated. Contemporarily, the drive for greater productivity of Māori land, as seen in the 2013 Review of the Te Ture Whenua Māori Act, focuses again on making all Māori land productive in the national interest, with little consideration of the impact on it’s Māori owners. The criteria and rationale for this push for productivity is strongly reminiscent of the practice in the 1960s and 1860s, and suggests any national interest alienations that occur as a result of the 2013 review, may also be confiscation. One significant implication of this thesis for the field of Māori Studies is that the investigation of Lot 512 provides another perspective on confiscation. This thesis expands the definition of confiscation to allow for alienation by sale and lease in the national interest and departs from the limitation of the nineteenth-century. This research also contributes to Māori Studies through the analysis of Part XXV of the Māori Affairs Act 1953. As a wider implication for Māori land, it challenges researchers to look more closely at Māori land sales in the 1950-1960s, the manner in which those sales and leases were undertaken and questions national interest arguments for alienating further Māori land. This thesis is centred around a Māori world view and approach to research and is tied specifically to Pōkaewhenua – Lot 512 in the Parish of Whangamarino, but has implications for thinking about the way Indigenous rights are made subservient to colonial interests.</p>

scholarly journals Measuring the Impact of SDGs on International Law - A Nucleus of a Right to Peace?

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Ursula Werther-Pietsch
Keyword(s):  
Sustainable Development ◽  
International Law ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Sustainable Development Goal ◽  
The Sustainable Development ◽  
Peacekeeping Operations ◽  
2030 Agenda ◽  
Un Peacekeeping ◽  
Potential Impact ◽  
The Impact

 The thesis of this article is to unpack potential impact of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development of the United Nations on international law in the field of peacebuilding, and a right to peace in particular. It is argued that the issues of fragility, human security and resilience as stipulated in the Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 16 of the Agenda created a valid entry point for steering transition from war to peace in a normative way. In fostering a comprehensive ius post bellum for societal change, this makes crystal-clear that the principle of self-determination functions as a meta-goal of the international order. The 2015 review of UN peacekeeping operations and the UN Security Council’s resolution 2282/2016 regarding sustained peace sharpen this finding in contrast to new geopolitical trends. It can be summarized that peacebuilding and statebuilding strategies are serviced by insights of the new consensus preparing for a rare momentum to move forward a universal right to peace. 

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