scholarly journals Military Interventions As Omitted Variable Of Inversed Democratic Peace: An Empirical Evidence

2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (4/2019) ◽  
pp. 77-97
Author(s):  
Srđan Korać ◽  
Nenad Stekić
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Democratic Peace ◽  
Military Interventions ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Relationship

The paper examines the relationship between military interventions and democratisation processes which took place in targeted states. While many researchers try to identify relationship between the regime type and countries’ war proneness, the authors of this paper put these two variables in a reversed order. To test this so-called “inversed democratic peace” thesis based on an argument that an ongoing war is likely to lead to democratisation, we focus our analysis on the US interventions in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, and FR Yugoslavia (Kosovo). We deploy three variables: 1) Foreign policy similarity, to determine whether the intervening actor (USA) had similar or different foreign policy goals at the beginning of interventions; 2) Political regime similarity, to indicate whether there were any deviations in the quality of political regime between the intervening state and the target country, as indicated by the democratic peace postulates; 3) military interventions (independent variable). Foreign policy score includes S score dataset developed by Curtis S. Signorino and Jeffrey M. Ritter (1999), while for the political regime quality, the authors deploy Polity IV data. Statistical analysis including Pearsonʼs correlation, logistic regression and descriptive statistics, will be presented for specific dyad level in three specifically designated models. The authors conclude that it is more likely that military interventions affect further democratisation of the targeted post-conflict societies, if observed in a short term rather than in longitudinal domain, while the foreign policy similarity (with the United States) positively correlates in cases with more successful democratisation process.

The Challenge of Foreign Policy in the WPS Agenda

2018 ◽  
pp. 778-791
Author(s):  
Valerie M. Hudson ◽  
Lauren Eason
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Just War ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Careful Consideration ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Military Interventions ◽  
The Us ◽  
Promote Gender Equality

Drawing on the cases of the United States and Sweden, this chapter considers the conceptual and practical issues associated with the implementation of a feminist foreign policy (FFP). While Foreign Minister Margot Wallstrom of Sweden is perhaps the most vocal and overt advocate of the concept, the US State Department under Hillary Clinton also arguably promoted policies that were feminist in nature. This chapter examines the conceptualization of the term “feminist foreign policy,” probing dimensions, contestations, and inconsistencies. It explores the inherent pitfalls and misconceptions surrounding FFP, as well as the positive contributions of policies that promote gender equality. This chapter concludes that while FFP is not inherently pacifist, it does prioritize peace, and thus engaging in military interventions and alliances requires careful consideration under feminist just war principles. Moreover, this chapter argues that the dissemination of gender equality norms act as a mechanism that facilitates a more stable, secure, and peaceful nation.

Foreign Policy and the Granting of Asylum: The Case of Zimbabwean Asylum Seekers in the United States (2000–2016)

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enock Ndawana
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Relationship

The nexus between foreign policy and the granting of asylum exists, but scholars have not yet reached a consensus regarding the nature of the relationship. This study examines the role of foreign policy in the granting of asylum using the case of Zimbabwean asylum seekers in the United States (US). It found that although other factors matter, foreign policy was central to the outcomes of Zimbabwean asylum seekers in the US. It asserts that explaining the outcomes of Zimbabwean asylum seekers in the US needs to go beyond the role of foreign policy and be nuanced because the case study rejects a monolithic understanding.

scholarly journals Introduction

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-277
Author(s):  
Joy Gordon
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Nations ◽  
The United States ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Weapons Proliferation ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The United Nations

It is hard to imagine a threat to international security or a tension within U.S. foreign policy that does not involve the imposition of economic sanctions. The United Nations Security Council has fourteen sanctions regimes currently in place, and all member states of the United Nations are obligated to participate in their enforcement. The United States has some thirty sanctions programs, which target a range of countries, companies, organizations, and individuals, and many of these are autonomous sanctions that are independent of the measures required by the United Nations. Australia, Canada, the European Union, Japan, South Korea, and others also have autonomous sanctions regimes, spanning a broad range of contexts and purpose. Most well-known are those concerning weapons proliferation, terrorism, and human rights violations; but sanctions are also imposed in such contexts as money laundering, corruption, and drug trafficking. States may also impose sanctions as a means to achieve foreign policy goals: to pressure a foreign state to bend to the sanctioner's will, to punish those who represent a threat to the sanctioner's economic or political interests, or to seek the end of a political regime toward which the sanctioner is hostile, to give but a few examples.

Allies will seek reassurance from next US president

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Structural Constraints ◽  
Content Type ◽  
White House ◽  
The Us ◽  
International Climate ◽  
Sub Saharan

Significance Trump's statements on foreign policy have vexed the leaders of countries allied with the United States, particularly NATO members and in East Asia. Both Clinton and Trump have sought to distinguish their approach to foreign policy from that of President Barack Obama. However, the next president will face structural constraints on a dramatic overhaul of the US national security architecture. Impacts The unknown quality of Trump's foreign policy advisers could lead to erratic policymaking. Washington's ability to promote nuclear restraint in international institutions is likely to diminish. US allies' uncertainty will probably encourage greater national expenditure on defence procurements. A Trump victory would likely undermine international climate governance arrangements. Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America policy is likely to be set by lower-level policy officials than the immediate White House circle.

scholarly journals The entrapment of asymmetry: the Philippines between the US and China

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elaine Tolentino ◽  
Myungsik Ham
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South China Sea ◽  
East Asian ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Pivot To Asia ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Economic Capacity

This paper aims to analyze the asymmetric dilemma facing the Philippines and China in the South China Sea tensions. Among American East Asian allies, the Philippines seems to stand on the frontline between two rival powers, the United States and China. Since the US declared its Pivot to Asia policy, the Philippines’ foreign policy towards China has become assertive and sometimes appears reckless with some military adventures against Chinese maritime patrols and naval ships, which also further forced China to take a tougher foreign policy against the Philippines. Considering the distinctive asymmetric indicators between China and the Philippines based on military forces, economic capacity, territorial size, and population, the aggressive policy behaviors that the Philippines and China have been displaying against each other cast an inquiry on what drives the two countries into head-to-head collision. While China as the larger power vis-à-vis the Philippines as the smaller power in the relationship has aimed for control and domination of their disputed territory, the Philippines’ drastic defiance has also led to China’s irritation and possible frustration. Furthermore, the US’ renewed attention to Asia has caused shifts of asymmetric bilateral dilemma to triangular entanglement between the US–China–Philippines. It is vital therefore to pay attention to the asymmetric interaction of states and their varying views in order to find possible solutions to the SCS tensions.

scholarly journals PRS IN US FOREIGN PRIORITIES AFTER THE PRESIDENCY ELECTIONS OF 2016

2018 ◽  
pp. 75-82
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Shevchuk
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Destabilizing Factors ◽  
The Us ◽  
General Scientific ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Relationship

The relevance of the study is conditioned by the importance of determining the new US Presidential Administration’s strategic foreign policy guidelines for developing their relations with the leading central-power states of the world, among which, considering the economic and political potential, the PRC occupies a special place. Apply the whole complex of philosophical general scientific, and specific methods of scientific research, which are inherent in political science, in their interconnection and complementarity. The main objectives of the study are to identify the main dimensions of the relationship between the US-China at the beginning of the presidential calendar D. Trump and predict the further evolution of the positioning of the United States and China in the regional and global system of international relations. In this article author makes an attempt to analyse possibilities for transformation of relations between USA and CPR from the beginning of D. Trump’s president cadence. The internal political and foreign policy determinants of the US-China relations mechanism are analyzed. The author makes the conclusion that it is quite realistic that the unbalance of relations in the format US-China can lead to an imbalance of the entire system of regional relations. Estimating the practical results of the meeting between US and Chinese leaders will be possible only after a certain period of time passes. At the moment, this meeting is evidence of the parties’ desire to reconcile their interests and open a dialogue at the highest level in order to prevent the extreme aggravation of relations. The additional destabilizing factors at the regional level are the «relics» of the Cold War: the Taiwan problem, controversial islands in the South China Sea, the Korean problem, etc. Washington’s and Beijing’s approaches to developing models for resolving these problems are quite different, which irritates the bilateral relationship. But with the prediction of the further evolution of US-China relations, it is necessary to take into account the so-called new improvisational style of US foreign policy that is characterized with high dynamism and unpredictability.

The United States and the Iranian Nuclear Programme

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Hurst
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Decision Making ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nixon Administration ◽  
Comprehensive Plan ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nuclear Issue ◽  
The Relationship

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.

Against Slave Power? Slavery and Runaway Slaves in Mexico-United States Relations, 1821–1857

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The South ◽  
Runaway Slaves ◽  
The Us ◽  
El Alto ◽  
Upper South ◽  
Lower South

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.

From Competition to Cooperation: A History of Canada–US National Park Relations

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terence Young ◽  
Alan MacEachern ◽  
Lary Dilsaver
Keyword(s):  
National Parks ◽  
National Park ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
Park Service ◽  
Settler Societies ◽  
History Of ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
Flow Of Information ◽  
The Relationship

This essay explores the evolving international relationship of the two national park agencies that in 1968 began to offer joint training classes for protected-area managers from around the world. Within the British settler societies that dominated nineteenth century park-making, the United States’ National Park Service (NPS) and Canada’s National Parks Branch were the most closely linked and most frequently cooperative. Contrary to campfire myths and nationalist narratives, however, the relationship was not a one-way flow of information and motivation from the US to Canada. Indeed, the latter boasted a park bureaucracy before the NPS was established. The relationship of the two nations’ park leaders in the half century leading up to 1968 demonstrates the complexity of defining the influences on park management and its diffusion from one country to another.

Precarious Work and Young Workers in the United States

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arne L. Kalleberg
Keyword(s):  
Labor Market ◽  
The United States ◽  
Young Workers ◽  
Severe Problem ◽  
Precarious Work ◽  
The Great Recession ◽  
The Us ◽  
Training Opportunities ◽  
And Training

This chapter discusses how the growth of precarious work and the polarization of the US labor market have produced major problems for the employment experiences of young workers. A prominent indicator of young workers’ difficulties in the labor market has been the sharp increase in their unemployment rates since the Great Recession. Another, equally if not more severe, problem faced by young workers today is the relatively low quality of the jobs that they were able to get. Other problems include the exclusion of young workers from the labor market and from education and training opportunities; the inability to find jobs that utilize their education, training, and skills; and the inability to obtain jobs that provide them with an opportunity to get a foothold in a career that would lead to progressively better jobs and thus be able to construct career narratives.

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