scholarly journals Promising Approaches in International Conflict Studies: Communication Perspective

Author(s):  
Aleksandr Nikitin ◽  
Sergey Arteev

The paper presents the analysis of modern political communications in terms of availability of adequate information and scientific and educational resources within the political discourse. The theoretical and methodological framework of the article is based on political communication studies being the most essential focus area of modern political science. The authors present the analysis of history and the current state of political communication issues being an element and a tool to study political processes, identify the specific characteristics of public political discourse in the context of existing contradictions in social development. To resolve some of the difficulties, the authors present a new unique interface (link) between political science and political discourse – electronic resources of systematized political science publications and political documents in the form of online libraries with books, articles, reports, documents available – ‘Library of a Political Scientist’ and ‘Library of a Conflictologist’, which are a unique form of inventory of available scientific and educational resources. ‘The Library of a Political Scientist’ is more universal in nature and is intended for rather broad audience. ‘The Library of a Conflictologist’, although being a more specialized information and analytical resource, at the same time contains multimedia (photos, videos, maps, infographics) and interactive (test game on six conflicts) components, which is in line with the modern educational and research paradigm. These resources are a new way of filing political science publications; they are intended to maintain by means of information and references modern scientific discourse in Russia on topical issues of Russian national and international policy, as well as international political conflictology in the geopolitical arena of Russian interests.

2019 ◽  
pp. 228-234
Author(s):  
Maksym Yakovliev

Ukrainians demonstrate an intense interest in the domestic and foreign policy of their country, as well as in what is going in geopolitical processes. Social and political discourse in Ukraine is highly politicised which results in a great variety of lexical elements found in everyday publications and discussions. There are many political terminoids, politological quasiterms or quasitermini, political jargonisms, and pseudoterms of political realm that are extensively used both in Ukrainian and international discourse. Examples may vary from a term Trumpism, which bears a significant emotional load with pejorative connotations, to a more neutral term Thatcherism that became a part of political and economic reference books. Russian military aggression against Ukraine brought a new meaning to the terms Putinism, that resembles the term Hitlerism, as well as Rushism – a combination of Russia and fascism, which denotes an imperialist, chauvinist, aggressive, militant foreign policy of Russia, especially to its close neighbours. Different terms like that constitute a vibrant interdisciplinary field that is not paid sufficient attention to. This article suggests approaching analysis of pragmatics functions of these lexical elements by analysing their role in more general course of terminologisation of political and social discourse. A number of different examples of such lexemes are listed and their use is commented by placing them into a broader context of lexicological studies. In the English language tradition such lexemes are studies within the discipline of language for special purposes, in this case – the language of politics. The German terminological tradition speaks of Fachjargonismen and Halbtermini, the latter may be regarded as a sort of an equivalent to the concept of quasiterms used in our terminological studies. Some examples of pejorative and metaphorical lexical elements used in political discussions are also described and commented briefly, like the terms Porokhobot as an example of a pejorative terms used to describe those who support the president of Ukraine Mr. Poroshenko and his politics, or the terms related to the revolutionary events in Ukraine in 2014 – Euromaidan – a term widely used outside of Ukraine, together with the term Leninopad to describe the removal of the monuments of Lenin as a part of the policy of de-communisation. It is claimed that this terminology allows broader public to participate in political discussions since it simplifies the discourse but also sets some terms of reference for placing opponents and proponents of certain political actors, ideologies, or parties according to lexical delimitation lines. In the European Union those who criticize the policies of the Union and see a threat in the increased German influence go as far as to suggest a term Merkelreich to combine the name of the German Chancellor Angela Merkel and the German word Reich to imply a rather brutal reference to the Third Reich. On the other hand, such a term provides a great simplification to the discussion about the nature of political processes within the European Union. By comparing Germany’s economic potential in the common market to the imperialistic ambitions it also sets discursive boundaries for a certain type of political debate. It is also stated that such lexical elements can indicate a shift in political and social developments since such pseudoterms have potential to transform into full-fledged political science terms in the future. It might be the case the militant and aggressive foreign policy of today’s Russia would one day named Putinism and become part of university textbooks in politics. As it is almost impossible to predict the future of a particular quasiterm, it is suggested that the current process of nomination of terms within the socio-political discourse should be studied with a particular attention. Some discursive practices may reveal the mechanisms behind the logic of how certain terms are used. For example, a political expert or a political scientist would hesitate to use a terminoid with pejorative connotations in official lecture or in a peer-reviewed article, but he or she can use it in an emotionally heated discussion or, with some reservations, even on a TV-show. These terms are all around and the ways and rules of their application should be paid more attention to. The article concludes that these elements should be researched from an interdisciplinary perspective.


2021 ◽  
Vol 101 ◽  
pp. 03031
Author(s):  
Artysh Saryglar ◽  
Oleg Gonchar ◽  
Sergey Chirun

The article is devoted to the analysis of social and political processes in the aspect of modern technologies of political communication. In particular, the issue of stability of institutional development is touched upon in the context of innovative socio-political processes associated with the introduction of information digital technologies into public policy. The authors investigate current examples of the impact of these technologies on Russian political practices and suggest current areas of work with Internet communication technologies. The authors consider the information society as a global space for political communications, drawing their attention to new potential and real challenges and threats associated with the use of digital information arrays.


1943 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 692-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Foote Whyte

When the American form of government and our democratic way of life hang in the balance of armed conflict, the political scientist feels impelled more than ever to rally to the defense of these values. He Writes volumes to defend our system and to attack the systems of our enemies. He writes political philosophy and political ethics—just plain politics is forgotten.The uninformed layman might expect from his title that the political scientist would be an expert in the analysis of political processes in his own community. He would be disappointed. The following comment made by Aristotle centuries ago applies with equal validity to the problem of political science today: “Must we not admit that the political science plainly does not stand on a similar footing to that of other sciences and faculties? I mean that while in all other cases those who impart the faculties and themselves exert them are identical (physicians and painters, for instance), matters of Statesmanship the Sophists profess to teach, but not one of them practices it, that being left to those actually engaged in it: and these might really very well be thought to do it by some singular knack and by mere practice rather than by any intellectual process; for they neither write nor speak on these matters (though it might do more to their credit than composing speeches for the courts or the assembly)….” Since the politician of today remains inarticulate when it comes to discussing his methods for publication, the responsibility of building a science of politics, if there is to be such a science, continues to rest with the political scientists.


2008 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 107-117
Author(s):  
Renata Matkevičienė

Žiniasklaidos dalyvavimas šiandieniame politiniame gyvenime akivaizdus ir nekvestionuojamas. Pastaraisiais metais ji tapo bene aktyviausia politinės komunikacijos veikėja, taip pat aktyviai politikos srities dalyvių panaudojama terpe siekiant tikslų. Šio straipsnio tikslas – apibrėžti ir nusakyti politinio žiniasklaidos diskurso teorinio tyrimo dėmenis. Išsikėlus tikslą, siekiama nustatyti politinio žiniasklaidos diskurso apibrėžties ir tyrimo apibrėžtumą, ištirti žiniasklaidos, kaip politinio proceso veikėjos, vaidmenis ir tyrimo galimybes. Šiame straipsnyje teigiama, kad politiniame žiniasklaidos diskurse atsiskleidžia dvejopas žiniasklaidos, kaip politinės komunikacijos elemento, vaidmuo: pirmiausia politinio žiniasklaidos diskurso analizė nurodo žiniasklaidą kaip vietą (erdvę), kurioje vyksta sąveika tarp politikos veikėjų, visuomenės ir žiniasklaidos institucijų; antra, žiniasklaida gali būti tiriama kaip institucija, formuojanti politinį diskursą, arba priemonė, taikoma jam formuoti.Determination of political mass media discourse: investigation of mass media as an element for political communicationRenata Matkevičienė SummaryParticipation of the mass media in nowadays political life is very actually and not questioned process. In recent years mass media became one of the most active participants in political communication, and as well it became an instrument for other participants of political sphere to influence electorate, and other audiences. The aim of the article is to define and to determine elements of theoretical investigation of political mass media discourse. The idea of the article is to find out frames from determination and theoretical investigation of mass mediated political discourse, to research mass media as the active participant of political processes, to clear up its roles and possibilities for research.In this article there is made a supposition that in political mass mediated discourse there could be seen double role of the mass media as the element of political communication. From one side political mass mediated discourse analysis presents mass media as the sphere (place) where the interaction between poli tical actors, society and mass media institutions take place. On the other hand mass media could be used as an institution that sets political discourse or as an instrument that could be used to form it. Hedonistic and consumer society puts its impact on political mass mediated discourse. Contemporary mass mediated political discourse presents not discussions on political items and ideologies, but outputs of packaged politics (for example, political actors are presented not as participants of political sphere, but as show stars, with highlighted their human characteristics. As a conclusion there could be stated that investigation of political mass mediated discourse is possible in only one way – when there are investigated all discourses that influence political mass mediated discourse, such as: political discourse, mass media discourse, public discourse. Interrelations between those discourses could not be affected by one discourse and that could be seen especially during political election campaign.


2018 ◽  
pp. 75-80
Author(s):  
Natalja Petljutschenko

The paper presents an analysis of charisma-correlates in the language of political leaders in modern German and Ukrainian political discourse and answers the question of whether an ideal type can be an object of multimodal phonetical research. The discursive description of charismatic leaders in German and Ukrainian political discourse and the discovery of their contrastive features relies on biological, social, psychological and linguistic parameters forming their charismatic discourse portraits. Of decisive importance in this context, is the rhetoric of public appearance, expressive combative position, hortatority, timbral, prosodic and gesture-mimic characteristics further perceived and attributed to its carriers as charisma. Charismatic politicians have always been characterised by sharp statements, categorical views and mobilising speech. Inspirited or pep rhetoric is inherent in politicians whose position is contrary to the majority of the public, the opinion of their political allies, members of Parliament, etc. We can observe its manifestations in moments of acute crisis in political life. The prosodic specifics of charismatical discourse are characterised by intensification of all its dynamic, tonal, and temporal components. In phonetical studies, this acoustic effect is referred to as prosodic intensity understanding it as abrupt changes in pitch, loudness, tempo variations, and pauses in important utterances containing addresses, appeals and concepts with positive semantics. Charismatic rhetoric is also formed by the kinetic (gesture and mimic) component that is functionally related the prosodic representation of speech making communication more effective. A gesture is the action or movement of the body through which one individual signals another individual about his presence, his intentions regarding objects. Charismatic political communications are characterised primarily by accentuating or co-speech gestures that represent movements of the body, especially the arms/hands, by which the speaker explains, complements his words, highlights the key points, emphasises or amplifies a verbal utterance. A gesture is perceived by the addressee as a kinematic form of verbal charisma-appeal through which he exercises his influence on his followers and/or opponents encouraging them to commit actions aimed at achieving a particular goal. Charismatic rhetoric originates in political communication in times of crisis and is characteristic of politicians whose stand is not consistent with the majority position. Charismatic enthusiasm and inspiration are ethnically coloured (German rapsodicity, Ukrainian monotony) and are reflected in prosodic and gesture emphasis accompanying both independent and dependent parts of speech indicating the autonomy of charismatic rhetoric as a model. The results of this study can be applied in discourse studies, applied phonetics, comparative linguistics, and political communication.


2021 ◽  
pp. 026732312199953
Author(s):  
Paul K Jones

Political communication studies has a long tradition of ‘crisis talk’ regarding the fate of public communication. Now, however, the field itself faces a kind of existential crisis as its core assumptions of ‘normal’ political communication are daily undermined. This ‘liberal normalcy’ shares much with orthodoxies in populism studies, most notably a tendency to bracket out demagogic communication, both in historical fascist regimes and democracies. Yet correcting these failings is not simply a matter of rejecting liberal models for left-populist ones. Rather, both fields need to broaden their historical parameters and deepen their theoretical frameworks. The article draws on the Weberian conception of modern demagogy and its revision in the wake of 'modern media' by Shils and Adorno. It further argues that a critical reworking of Hallin and Mancini’s media systems approach could benefit both fields. For Hallin and Mancini’s socio-historical use of Weberian ideal-typification complements Worsley’s never-completed plan for an ideal-typification of modes of populism and demagogic leadership.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (01) ◽  
pp. 124-126

The Political Science Program at the National Science Foundation (NSF) announces it awards for basic research support and dissertation improvement grants for fiscal year 2011. The Program funded 25 new projects and 44 doctoral dissertation improvement proposals. The Political Science Program spent $5,234,470 on these research, training and workshop projects and $483,822 on dissertation training grants for political science students. The program holds two grant competitions annually —Regular Research, August and January 15; Dissertation Improvement, September 16 and January 15— and constitutes a major source of political science research funding as part of fulfilling NSF's mission to encourage theoretically focused empirical investigations aimed at improving the explanation of fundamental social and political processes and structures.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 762-763 ◽  
Author(s):  
Desmond Jagmohan

Woodrow Wilson is the only American political scientist to have served as President of the United States. In the time between his political science Ph.D. (from Johns Hopkins, in 1886) and his tenure as president (1913–21), he also served as president of Princeton University (1902–10) and president of the American Political Science Association (1909–10). Wilson is one of the most revered figures in American political thought and in American political science. The Woodrow Wilson Award is perhaps APSA’s most distinguished award, given annually for the best book on government, politics, or international affairs published in the previous year, and sponsored by the Woodrow Wilson Foundation at Princeton University.Wilson has also recently become the subject of controversy, on the campus of Princeton University, and in the political culture more generally, in connection with racist statements that he made and the segregationist practices of his administration. A group of Princeton students associated with the “Black Lives Matter” movement has demanded that Wilson’s name be removed from two campus buildings, one of which is the famous Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs (see Martha A. Sandweiss, “Woodrow Wilson, Princeton, and the Complex Landscape of Race,” http://www.thenation.com/article/woodrow-wilson-princeton-and-the-complex-landscape-of-race/). Many others have resisted this idea, noting that Wilson is indeed an important figure in the history of twentieth-century liberalism and Progressivism in the United States.A number of colleagues have contacted me suggesting that Perspectives ought to organize a symposium on the Wilson controversy. Although we do not regularly organize symposia around current events, given the valence of the controversy and its connection to issues we have featured in our journal (see especially the September 2015 issue on “The American Politics of Policing and Incarceration”), and given Wilson's importance in the history of our discipline, we have decided to make an exception in this case. We have thus invited a wide range of colleagues whose views on this issue will interest our readers to comment on this controversy. —Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor.


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