scholarly journals The Distribution of Power in The Recruitment of Prospective Head Area by PDI-P in The Election Year 2015 Jember

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Mimin Amwaritama

The distribution of power is still a debate in the party's internal politics, especially in terms of recruitment of candidates for regional elections head. Yet the existence of a clear policy related settings portion of authority between the Centre Party and the party in an area is often the cause of difference of interests and the decision appeared, particularly the matter of flying a candidate head of the region. The implication is unavoidable political dynamics. This paper seeks to analyse thoroughly about the distribution of power in the political candidate recruitment head area in PDI-P Jember. The focus of the writing refers to the moment of the Election Year 2015 Jember. Analysis of peeled through the perspective of the theory of political recruitment and distribution of power. The results of the analysis gave an explanation that is not yet a clear subject control distribution of power in the sphere of internal party candidacy candidate in terms of the head area. This implies the existence of the political dynamics of differences at each level of the process candidacy. When the populist nature of the power distribution then the process candidacy running electorate with a more democratic, more inclusive, as well as the representation of social groups can be more assured. Meanwhile, when the distribution of power are elitist by rising degree of exclusivity of candidacy political interests, opportunities to appear much larger due to the interaction between the candidates with the electorate became more and more intensive

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Mimin Amwaritama

The distribution of power is still a debate in the party's internal politics, especially in terms of recruitment of candidates for regional elections head. Yet the existence of a clear policy related settings portion of authority between the Centre Party and the party in an area is often the cause of difference of interests and the decision appeared, particularly the matter of flying a candidate head of the region. The implication is unavoidable political dynamics. This paper seeks to analyse thoroughly about the distribution of power in the political candidate recruitment head area in PDI-P Jember. The focus of the writing refers to the moment of the Election Year 2015 Jember. Analysis of peeled through the perspective of the theory of political recruitment and distribution of power. The results of the analysis gave an explanation that is not yet a clear subject control distribution of power in the sphere of internal party candidacy candidate in terms of the head area. This implies the existence of the political dynamics of differences at each level of the process candidacy. When the populist nature of the power distribution then the process candidacy running electorate with a more democratic, more inclusive, as well as the representation of social groups can be more assured. Meanwhile, when the distribution of power are elitist by rising degree of exclusivity of candidacy political interests, opportunities to appear much larger due to the interaction between the candidates with the electorate became more and more intensive


1966 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 943-951 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Holden

If an important part of the political scientist's mission is to anticipate and explain “the critical problems that generate turbulence” in that part of the world which attracts his attention, then, in the study of administration, bureaucratic “imperialism” must be of compelling interest. If systematic data directly assembled for the purpose are lacking, and if there are some signal problems of theory which have been little investigated, there is still enough evidence from studies of other political problems that it seems worthwhile to set out some trial-run ideas in the hope that they will elicit further discussion.Bureaucractic imperialism seems pre-eminently a matter of inter-agency conflict in which two or more agencies try to assert permanent control over the same jurisdiction, or in which one agency actually seeks to take over another agency as well as the jurisdiction of that agency. We are thus primarily concerned with the politics of allocation and shall, except incidentally, bypass some other interesting aspects of inter-agency politics such as cooperation between agencies sharing missions, competition for favorable “one-time-only” decisions which do not involve jurisdictional reallocation, or the critical problems of the “holding company” administrative organization and its internal politics. For the moment, our concern with the politics of allocation leads to a focus on what would appear to be the likely behaviors of those decisionmakers who have both inclination and opportunity to look after the institutional well-being of agencies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 202
Author(s):  
Ahmad Adi Suradi ◽  
Buyung Surahman

This article explains the dualism of the role of kiai pesantren (Islamic boarding school) in Banyuasin Regency, South Sumatera, as ulama and umara, which was later critically elaborated in this research on its implications to the pesantren education. Substantively, this research was inspired by the results of the study of the authors of the 2018 regional elections and ahead of the 2019 elections and presidential elections. The method of this writing can be categorized as qualitative research. The analysis in this paper is carried out on the basis of the concepts of space and field, especially to examine how far the kiai play religious teachings which they believe in social and political behavior in the midst of people’s lives. The results of this study indicate that the rise of kiai who are involved in the world of politics is full of intrigue and conflict among kiai-politicians. One important thing revealed in the involvement of kiai in the political world was that kiai were too close to power, so they used the pesantren for their political interests and made it an instrument for power. For a kiai of pesantren plus politicians, they should be able to carry out their two professions sincerely and istiqomah. If not, the influence of the kiai becomes meaningless, when his authority is deemed to have deviated from what he should have. As a result, many pesantren were abandoned and their development was very alarming. Because of differences in perspective in politics that lead to feuds between the interfaith and the pesantren that they foster.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Hamdan Daulay ◽  
Mohamad Hasan As'adi

The political turmoil in Malaysia following the resignation of Mahathir Mohammad (February 2020), and the success of Muhyiddin Yassin in the position of Prime Minister, made the political atmosphere even more dynamic. There are those who think that Malaysian politics currently shows a serious problem with the fierce battle between political figures. There have even been various accusations that say there is treason that justifies any means to achieve the goal. Muhyiddin Yassin, who is Mahathir's representative in the Malaysian Indigenous United Party (PPBM), was accused of treason. Likewise, Azmin Ali who was deputy chairman of the People's Justice Party (PKR) was accused of treason by Anwar Ibrahim, so that Azmin was fired from the PKR. Mahathir Mohammad is a senior Malaysian political figure with long experience in politics. The political communication that Mahthir has built is very intelligent with his success as a UMNO figure and the Prime Minister of Malaysia for more than 20 years. As a doctor, since the age of 25, he has been active in politics through the UMNO party. Mahathir understands that politics is very dynamic and political figures must be able to adapt to the existing political dynamics. It was this political dynamic that made Mahathir leave UMNO when he saw the many deviations committed by his figures. Mahathir then formed a new party, Partai Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM) which succeeded in ending UMNO's domination in the 2018 elections. Mahathir's political communications were truly tested when he succeeded in becoming the second prime minister of Malaysia at the age of 92 years. The political message delivered by Mahathir was able to convince the Malaysian people about the direction of national development. His long and successful experience in politics made him known as the father of modernization in Malaysia. However, in the end, he was removed by Muhyiddin Yassin (his own friend) from the seat of Prime Minister at the age of 94. Because actually in politics there are no friends and enemies who are eternal, it is political interests themselves that are eternal.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Dame Dereba Shoa ◽  
Hana Mekonen Gizaw

Ethiopia has been under the rule of EPRDF coalitions, a vanguard party ruling the country since the collapse of Derg regime. This article is therefore, intended to explore the political dynamics associated with the rift of EPRDF coalitions since the outbreaks of Qerro’s protest. To meet the study purposes, qualitative research design was employed to collect the data. The study reveals that the broke out of Qerro’s protest against integrated master plan of Addis Ababa and tyrannical rule of EPRDF used to be the key dawn towards the step down of titular OPDO officials and empowerment of reformist ODP officials in place that eventually split ruling coalitions in to conservative and reformist. Broad spectrum of political dynamics like: declaration of state of emergency, massive displacement of Oromo people from Ethio-Somali region, wider public protests accompanied by sectorial boycotts, political unrest, apprehension of contrabandist, resignation of late prime minister, Mr. Hailemariam Desalegn and nomination of Dr. Abiy Ahmed in place and others were ensued from the rift of ruling coalitions. The study implicate that polarized political interests amidst the ruling parties (TPLF and PP) could be extended to the oppositions and wider people that may escalate ethnic tensions and thereby ensue in the state fragility.


2005 ◽  
Vol 84 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Halloran

Modern accounts of the battle of Brunanburh have generally suggested a location in the Northumbrian-Mercian borderlands east or west of the Pennines, a conclusion based in part on analysis of the aims and strategy of Anlaf Guthfrithson, Viking king of Dublin. This article re-examines the political dynamics of the coalition against Athelstan, taking account of the territorial and political ambitions of the kings of Alba and Strathclyde, and proposes a radically different interpretation of the campaign of 937. It also questions the reliability of the variant form Brunanburh as a guide to the battle's location and concludes that the most likely site was Burnswark in Annandale.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yogi Prasetyo

The Constitution as the legal basis for formation of legislation in the system of Indonesia. The misuse of the constitution (UUD 1945) by the political interests of goverment caused mislead and made the situation of the nation getting worse. Liberal capitalistic value wrapped in modern positivistic legal system that puts the ratio had diverge from culture constitution. needs to be clarified with the balance of conscience through culture constitution. Culture constitution is a constitutional concept who saw citizen of Indonesia as creatures of God by virtue of intelligence and unseen. So with that constitution is formed, conceived and executed to be qualified and to bring the benefit of the world and the hereafter.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Haryo Suganda ◽  
Raja Muhammad Amin

This study is motivated the identification of policies issued by the regional Governmentof Rokan Hulu in the form of Regulatory region number 1 by 2015 on the determination of thevillage and Indigenous Village. Political dynamics based on various interests against themanufacture of, and decision-making in the process of formation of the corresponding localregulations determination of Indigenous Villages in the Rokan Hulu is impacted to a verysignificantamount of changes from the initial draft of the number i.e. 21 (twenty one) the villagebecame Customary 89 (eighty-nine) the Indigenous Villages who have passed. Type of thisresearch is a qualitative descriptive data analysis techniques. The research aims to describe theState of the real situation in a systematic and accurate fact analysis unit or related research, aswell as observations of the field based on the data (information). Method of data collectionwas done with interviews, documentation, and observations through fieldwork (field research).The results of the research on the process of discussion of the draft local regulations andmutual agreement about Designation of Indigenous Villages in the Rokan Hulu is, showed thatthe political dynamics that occur due to the presence of various political interests, rejectionorally by Villagers who were judged to have met the requirements of Draft Regulations to beformulated and the area for the set to be Indigenous Villages, and also there is a desire fromsome villages in the yet to Draft local regulations in order to set the Indigenous village , there isa wide range of interests of these aspects influenced the agreement to assign the entire localVillage which is in the Rokan Hulu become Indigenous village, and the village of Transmigrationinto administrative Villages where the initiator of the changes in the number of IndigenousVillages in the Rokan Hulu it is the desire of the local Government of its own.


Author(s):  
Paul Kingston

The chapter outlines how researchers take on different roles and positionalities as they adapt to the field, moving, for instance, from that of an “outsider” laden with externalized theoretical assumptions and having few contacts with and knowledge of the research site to one approaching, to varying degrees, that of a “pseudo-insider.” Indeed, the argument here is that researchers make choices when moving from outsider to insider roles (and between them), contingently adapting their positionality in the hope to better understand the political dynamics that underlie research projects. The setting is post-civil war Lebanon and the research project revolves around an examination of the micropolitics of civil society and associational life in this re-emerging but fragmented polity.


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