“Imperialism” in Bureaucracy

1966 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 943-951 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Holden

If an important part of the political scientist's mission is to anticipate and explain “the critical problems that generate turbulence” in that part of the world which attracts his attention, then, in the study of administration, bureaucratic “imperialism” must be of compelling interest. If systematic data directly assembled for the purpose are lacking, and if there are some signal problems of theory which have been little investigated, there is still enough evidence from studies of other political problems that it seems worthwhile to set out some trial-run ideas in the hope that they will elicit further discussion.Bureaucractic imperialism seems pre-eminently a matter of inter-agency conflict in which two or more agencies try to assert permanent control over the same jurisdiction, or in which one agency actually seeks to take over another agency as well as the jurisdiction of that agency. We are thus primarily concerned with the politics of allocation and shall, except incidentally, bypass some other interesting aspects of inter-agency politics such as cooperation between agencies sharing missions, competition for favorable “one-time-only” decisions which do not involve jurisdictional reallocation, or the critical problems of the “holding company” administrative organization and its internal politics. For the moment, our concern with the politics of allocation leads to a focus on what would appear to be the likely behaviors of those decisionmakers who have both inclination and opportunity to look after the institutional well-being of agencies.

Journalism ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (12) ◽  
pp. 1657-1675 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen McIntyre ◽  
Nicole Smith Dahmen ◽  
Jesse Abdenour

A survey ( N = 1318) evaluated US newspaper journalists’ attitudes toward c ontextual reporting – stories that go beyond the immediacy of the news and contribute to societal well-being. Results indicated that journalists highly value professional roles associated with contextual reporting. Responses revealed new journalistic role functions, including the ‘Contextualist’, who placed high value on being socially responsible and accurately portraying the world. Analyses showed that younger journalists and female journalists highly valued three genres of contextual reporting: constructive journalism, solutions journalism, and restorative narrative. Additionally, a journalist’s belief in activist values such as setting the political agenda and pointing to possible solutions predicted more favorable views of all three forms of contextual journalism, while belief in an adversarial attitude predicted less favorable views of restorative narrative.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harald Bauder ◽  
Enrico del Castello ◽  
Eva Hellreich ◽  
Myer Siemiatycki ◽  
Erica Wright ◽  
...  

[Para. 1 of Introduction]: Migration is shaping societies around the world. It has long defined settler countries, such as Canada; it is affecting communities of departure and return, ranging from the Azores to Zimbabwe; and it is increasingly impacting countries that have traditionally not considered themselves as major immigrant destinations, like many European countries. Meanwhile, individual migrants and their families experience departure, migration, and arrival differently than the communities shaped by them. From both societal and individual perspectives, we can ask whether migration accomplishes what it promises to achieve. Does migration contribute to the economic, social, and cultural well-being of societies? Do migrants and their families find a pathway to security, achieve social and economic upward mobility, and gain opportunities to participate in the political and cultural life of their arrival communities? The Promise of Migration addresses these questions through a critical lens.


2021 ◽  
pp. 223-228
Author(s):  
Sandro Galea

Covid-19 was not just a virus. It was a story: of our collective health, our vulnerability, and our resilience. This overarching narrative emerged from many smaller narratives. There was the political narrative of the pandemic, the story of governments working to respond to an unprecedented threat. There was the economic narrative, lived across a variety of scales, from multinational corporations scrambling to adapt to changing workplace realities to the dinner tables around which many people, newly unemployed, worked out monthly expenses. It was a global story, as an epidemic that started in China crossed provincial and then international borders to engulf the world. At a deeper level, it was the story of individuals, each trying to navigate the difficulties of the moment. The sick and the well, those who recovered from the disease and those who succumbed to it. And just as the broader narrative of Covid-19 is anchored in these individual stories, each of these stories has something to say about the foundational forces that shaped the arc of the pandemic....


1999 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 163-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
NORMAN MYERS

What should be the response of environmental scientists when the world and the Earth appear to be heading toward exceptional crisis? Some scientists have signed up to public assertions that there indeed could be environmental Armageddon ahead (e.g. Union of Concerned Scientists 1992; US National Academy of Sciences and Royal Society of London 1992). Other scientists proclaim that our most valuable resource is not environmental well-being but professional credibility; the 'cry wolf' risk is the key determinant. Others appear to prefer to be scientists pure and simple, eschewing the policy arena, let alone the political scrum. Still others seem to think that warning of prospective crisis, even warning amongst themselves, is out of protocol's court.


Author(s):  
Claudia Leeb

“How to Transform the World: Rethinking Theory and Practice” explains that the idea of the political subject-in-outline also aims to theorize a mediated relation between theory and practice. Mediation implies first that theory and practice are equally important tools of how people can change the world into a better one, and second that people must acknowledge the moment of the limit in our theorizing as well as practice, which suggests that both theory and practice are always ongoing projects. It challenges a theory that abstracts from practice, as well as a practice that abstracts from theory, and explains the connection between knowledge production and power. It also explains how people transform the world through outlining the central components of a critical theory and practice. This chapter also takes a critical look at those sociopolitical aspects that might hinder a successful transformative theory and practice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Mimin Amwaritama

The distribution of power is still a debate in the party's internal politics, especially in terms of recruitment of candidates for regional elections head. Yet the existence of a clear policy related settings portion of authority between the Centre Party and the party in an area is often the cause of difference of interests and the decision appeared, particularly the matter of flying a candidate head of the region. The implication is unavoidable political dynamics. This paper seeks to analyse thoroughly about the distribution of power in the political candidate recruitment head area in PDI-P Jember. The focus of the writing refers to the moment of the Election Year 2015 Jember. Analysis of peeled through the perspective of the theory of political recruitment and distribution of power. The results of the analysis gave an explanation that is not yet a clear subject control distribution of power in the sphere of internal party candidacy candidate in terms of the head area. This implies the existence of the political dynamics of differences at each level of the process candidacy. When the populist nature of the power distribution then the process candidacy running electorate with a more democratic, more inclusive, as well as the representation of social groups can be more assured. Meanwhile, when the distribution of power are elitist by rising degree of exclusivity of candidacy political interests, opportunities to appear much larger due to the interaction between the candidates with the electorate became more and more intensive


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Mimin Amwaritama

The distribution of power is still a debate in the party's internal politics, especially in terms of recruitment of candidates for regional elections head. Yet the existence of a clear policy related settings portion of authority between the Centre Party and the party in an area is often the cause of difference of interests and the decision appeared, particularly the matter of flying a candidate head of the region. The implication is unavoidable political dynamics. This paper seeks to analyse thoroughly about the distribution of power in the political candidate recruitment head area in PDI-P Jember. The focus of the writing refers to the moment of the Election Year 2015 Jember. Analysis of peeled through the perspective of the theory of political recruitment and distribution of power. The results of the analysis gave an explanation that is not yet a clear subject control distribution of power in the sphere of internal party candidacy candidate in terms of the head area. This implies the existence of the political dynamics of differences at each level of the process candidacy. When the populist nature of the power distribution then the process candidacy running electorate with a more democratic, more inclusive, as well as the representation of social groups can be more assured. Meanwhile, when the distribution of power are elitist by rising degree of exclusivity of candidacy political interests, opportunities to appear much larger due to the interaction between the candidates with the electorate became more and more intensive


DoisPontos ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Xavier Guchet

resumo: Enquanto as duas teses defendidas por Simondon em 1958 relevam o problema da individuação humana na sua dimensão psicossocial e técnica, a publicação nos últimos anos do conjunto do corpus simondoniano sugere que outro tema constitui o fio condutor do pensamento de Simondon por três décadas, dos anos 50 ao início dos anos 80: aquele da vida. Ora, enquanto o problema da individuação humana poderia ser interpretado na ótica de uma reflexão política, notadamente através do conceito de “transindividualidade” desenvolvido nas teses e efetivamente considerado pelos comentadores como o conceito chave da política simondoniana, a questão de se saber o que se torna essa política simondoniana coloca-se, precisamente, no momento em que o deslocamento do acento em direção a uma filosofia da vida é operado. Na medida em que o conceito de transindividualidade desaparece dos escritos posteriores às teses, a questão coloca-se ainda mais. Como compreender esta centralidade do tema da vida, enquanto que aquele do homem e de seus modos de ser no mundo parecia privilegiado nas teses? Em qual medida este deslocamento de acento conduz Simondon a abandonar a reflexão política proposta nas teses em prol de uma antropologia biológica que, cabe perguntar-se, flertaria com o programa da sociobiologia dos anos 70? Este artigo propõe elementos em resposta a essas duas questões.abstract: Whereas the two theses defended by Simondon in 1958 highlight the problem of human individuation in its psychosocial and technical dimension, the publication in the last years of the set of the Simondonian corpus suggests that another theme constitutes the leading thread of Simondon’s thought for three decades, from the 1950s to the early 1980s: that of life. Now, whereas the problem of human individuation could be interpreted in the view of a political reflection, mostly through the concept of “transindividuality” developed in the theses and effectively considered by the commentators as the key concept of Simondonian politics, the question of knowing what makes this Simondonian politics is put forth precisely at the moment in which is operated the displacement of the accent towards a philosophy of life. As the concept of transindividuality disappears from the manuscripts posterior to the theses, the question is even more pressing. How can one comprehend this centrality of the theme of life, whereas that of man and its modes of being in the world would seem to be privileged in the theses? To which extent does this displacement of accent lead Simondon to abandon the political reflection proposed in the theses towards a biological anthropology that, one may ask, would flirt with the sociobiology program of the 1970s? This paper provides some elements to answer these two questions. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-13
Author(s):  
V. Kuvaldin

The fairly common pandemic of the coronavirus has paralyzed the global world. The material damage it inflicted amounts to trillions of dollars. It is unclear how long it will take for humanity to overcome the consequences of the most serious socio-economic crisis after the World War II. The contours of the “new normal” after the pandemic are even vaguer. The “perfect storm” of the pandemic was created by a combination of three destructive forces: the coronavirus, the cyclical crisis of the economic conjuncture, and the nefarious trends of neoliberal globalization. The political practice of neoliberalism in recent decades, which has brought the world a number of significant achievements, has created a tangle of intractable contradictions in all areas of modern life. Both of its main drivers – capital accumulation on the basis of expanded reproduction and the global hegemony of the Anglo-Saxon elite – were called into question. Issues such as a more equitable distribution of the created wealth and expanding the membership of the elite club of global regulation are going to the forefront. At the same time, protecting the environment and preventing other cataclysms that threaten the well-being and even the very existence of mankind have become urgent imperatives of the political agenda. However, it seems that the world elite is not ready for a profound correction of the existing world order yet. The most likely scenario for the foreseeable future seems to be attempts, in one form or another, to return to the unconditional hegemony of the collective West under the aegis of the United States in world affairs. This portends a turbulent decade filled with conflicts of varying severity and duration. Although there is a fundamental possibility of another, much more positive scenario for the development of globalization processes. In it, the coordinated actions of national and global elites would focus on finding solutions to the most pressing problems of the world community, namely environmental protection, human rights upholding, the unhindered development of world trade, the prevention of pandemics, and the fight against terrorism.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harald Bauder ◽  
Enrico del Castello ◽  
Eva Hellreich ◽  
Myer Siemiatycki ◽  
Erica Wright ◽  
...  

[Para. 1 of Introduction]: Migration is shaping societies around the world. It has long defined settler countries, such as Canada; it is affecting communities of departure and return, ranging from the Azores to Zimbabwe; and it is increasingly impacting countries that have traditionally not considered themselves as major immigrant destinations, like many European countries. Meanwhile, individual migrants and their families experience departure, migration, and arrival differently than the communities shaped by them. From both societal and individual perspectives, we can ask whether migration accomplishes what it promises to achieve. Does migration contribute to the economic, social, and cultural well-being of societies? Do migrants and their families find a pathway to security, achieve social and economic upward mobility, and gain opportunities to participate in the political and cultural life of their arrival communities? The Promise of Migration addresses these questions through a critical lens.


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