Adab Konstitusi; Upaya Meluruskan Kesesatan Pikir Konstitusi

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yogi Prasetyo

The Constitution as the legal basis for formation of legislation in the system of Indonesia. The misuse of the constitution (UUD 1945) by the political interests of goverment caused mislead and made the situation of the nation getting worse. Liberal capitalistic value wrapped in modern positivistic legal system that puts the ratio had diverge from culture constitution. needs to be clarified with the balance of conscience through culture constitution. Culture constitution is a constitutional concept who saw citizen of Indonesia as creatures of God by virtue of intelligence and unseen. So with that constitution is formed, conceived and executed to be qualified and to bring the benefit of the world and the hereafter.

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-391
Author(s):  
Isra Sarwar ◽  
Shabnam Gul ◽  
Muhammad Faizan Asghar

Women, the 48.45% of total Afghan population usually termed and referred as the most victimized clan of Afghanistan. It is engendered notion and perceived as reality around the world. Undoubtedly, Mujahidin and later the Taliban have made the situation miserable for women. But, comparatively, women in Afghanistan did not face as many cruelties earlier during Taliban regime as they suffering today. They were secured, honored and allowed to participate equally in all spheres of life ranging from socio-economic to religio-political during the reign of Taliban. Majority of the religious elite among the Muslims interprets the religious teachings according to its own requirements to assure legitimacy particularly in the context of women. Same is the case with Afghanistan, which, being the buffer state, had been remained epicenter for political interests of world powers and who used its soil to expand or legitimize their authority, violate human rights specifically women as wartime strategy to achieve the goals. This intricate study with reference to the manipulated status of women is based on qualitative method and will explore the political dimensions where women have been used as wartime strategy to legitimize the power. It is based on explanatory and exploratory goals of the study. The thematic and observational approach will be used to analyze the available qualitative data by using secondary sources.


1973 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 476-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Santosuosso

In his book Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty: Renaissance Values in the Age of the Counter Reformation (Berkely, 1968), William J. Bouwsma claims that the confrontation between Rome and Venice in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries was based on two different views of the world. He sees Rome as the embodiment of the authoritarianism and intolerance of the Counter Reformation and Venice as the last representative of Renaissance republicanism. Bouwsma maintains that the struggle which reached a point of crisis during the interdict of 1606-1607 was a logical development of an inborn ideological conflict between Venice and Rome. His thesis, however, does not fit the facts for the 1540s, which were a crucial decade in Venetian history since these years witnessed the acceptance of the Roman Inquisition and the first attempt to adopt an Index of Forbidden Books. During this period, Rome and Venice disagreed not on what should be implemented or rejected, but on who should have the responsibility and weaponry to enforce it. When there was a confrontation between them, it was caused by reasons of state—the political needs of two governments sharing a common border and having different political interests in Italy and/or in Europe.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 202
Author(s):  
Ahmad Adi Suradi ◽  
Buyung Surahman

This article explains the dualism of the role of kiai pesantren (Islamic boarding school) in Banyuasin Regency, South Sumatera, as ulama and umara, which was later critically elaborated in this research on its implications to the pesantren education. Substantively, this research was inspired by the results of the study of the authors of the 2018 regional elections and ahead of the 2019 elections and presidential elections. The method of this writing can be categorized as qualitative research. The analysis in this paper is carried out on the basis of the concepts of space and field, especially to examine how far the kiai play religious teachings which they believe in social and political behavior in the midst of people’s lives. The results of this study indicate that the rise of kiai who are involved in the world of politics is full of intrigue and conflict among kiai-politicians. One important thing revealed in the involvement of kiai in the political world was that kiai were too close to power, so they used the pesantren for their political interests and made it an instrument for power. For a kiai of pesantren plus politicians, they should be able to carry out their two professions sincerely and istiqomah. If not, the influence of the kiai becomes meaningless, when his authority is deemed to have deviated from what he should have. As a result, many pesantren were abandoned and their development was very alarming. Because of differences in perspective in politics that lead to feuds between the interfaith and the pesantren that they foster.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-41
Author(s):  
David Mwesigwa ◽  

Purpose: This study discusses the relevance of proportions of youth representatives in the governance of Uganda Research Methodology: The central approach for this article was a desk review of obtainable works on youth representation in Uganda and other parts of the world Results: The outcomes suggest that the political interests considered as youth interests remain a big challenge and are hard to separate from other interests and are often considered public interests. As a consequence, proportions are one of the means to reimbursing for obstacles against the youths (and other marginalised groups) as well as an incentive towards their role in both politics and the national economy, which aim to achieve a degree of age-based parity in political statistics and as an element of democratisation processes. Thus, considering this method in relation to representational and expressive representatives who symbolise a unique constituency is necessary. Limitations: This study's main limitation is that much of the issues raised are limited to Uganda and may not be generalized across other countries with different political environments. Contribution: This study is relevant to Public Administration and political science seeing that youth functional roles remain loose in poise since what is represented is reliant on diverse stakeholders whose interests are not static. Keywords: Youth, Representation, Political proportion, Democracy


Author(s):  
Emma Simone

Virginia Woolf and Being-in-the-world: A Heideggerian Study explores Woolf’s treatment of the relationship between self and world from a phenomenological-existential perspective. This study presents a timely and compelling interpretation of Virginia Woolf’s textual treatment of the relationship between self and world from the perspective of the philosophy of Martin Heidegger. Drawing on Woolf’s novels, essays, reviews, letters, diary entries, short stories, and memoirs, the book explores the political and the ontological, as the individual’s connection to the world comes to be defined by an involvement and engagement that is always already situated within a particular physical, societal, and historical context. Emma Simone argues that at the heart of what it means to be an individual making his or her way in the world, the perspectives of Woolf and Heidegger are founded upon certain shared concerns, including the sustained critique of Cartesian dualism, particularly the resultant binary oppositions of subject and object, and self and Other; the understanding that the individual is a temporal being; an emphasis upon intersubjective relations insofar as Being-in-the-world is defined by Being-with-Others; and a consistent emphasis upon average everydayness as both determinative and representative of the individual’s relationship to and with the world.


2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-259
Author(s):  
Joseph Acquisto

This essay examines a polemic between two Baudelaire critics of the 1930s, Jean Cassou and Benjamin Fondane, which centered on the relationship of poetry to progressive politics and metaphysics. I argue that a return to Baudelaire's poetry can yield insight into what seems like an impasse in Cassou and Fondane. Baudelaire provides the possibility of realigning metaphysics and politics so that poetry has the potential to become the space in which we can begin to think the two of them together, as opposed to seeing them in unresolvable tension. Or rather, the tension that Baudelaire animates between the two allows us a new way of thinking about the role of esthetics in moments of political crisis. We can in some ways see Baudelaire as responding, avant la lettre, to two of his early twentieth-century readers who correctly perceived his work as the space that breathes a new urgency into the questions of how modern poetry relates to the world from which it springs and in which it intervenes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 38-43
Author(s):  
MARIETA EPREMYAN ◽  

The article examines the epistemological roots of conservative ideology, development trends and further prospects in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in other countries. The author focuses on the “world” and Russian conservatism. In the course of the study, the author illustrates what opportunities and limitations a conservative ideology can have in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in the world. In conclusion, it is concluded that the prospect of a conservative trend in the world is wide enough. To avoid immigration and to control the development of technology in society, it is necessary to adhere to a conservative policy. Conservatism is a consolidating ideology. It is no coincidence that the author cites as an example the understanding of conservative ideology by the French due to the fact that Russia has its own vision of the ideology of conservatism. If we say that conservatism seeks to preserve something and respects tradition, we must bear in mind that traditions in different societies, which form some kind of moral imperatives, cannot be a single phenomenon due to different historical destinies and differing religious views. Considered from the point of view of religion, Muslim and Christian conservatism will be somewhat confrontational on some issues. The purpose of the work was to consider issues related to the role, evolution and prospects of conservative ideology in the political reform of modern countries. The author focuses on Russia and France. To achieve this goal, the method of in-depth interviews with experts on how they understand conservatism was chosen. Already today, conservatism is quite diverse. It is quite possible that in the future it will transform even more and acquire new reflections.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (03) ◽  
pp. 20628-20638
Author(s):  
Anik Yuesti ◽  
I Made Dwi Adnyana

One of the things that are often highlighted in the world of spirituality is a matter of sexual scandal. But lately, the focus of the spiritual world is financial transparency and accountability. Financial scandals began to arise in the Church, as was the case in the Protestant Christian Church of Bukti Doa Nusa Dua Congregation in Bali. The scandal involved clergy and even some church leaders. This study aims to describe how the conflict occurred because of financial scandals in the Church. The method used in this study is the Ontic dialectic. Based on this research, the conflict in the Bukit Doa Church is a conflict caused by an internal financial scandal. The scandal resulted in fairly widespread conflict in the various lines of the organization. It led to the issuance of the Dismissal Decrees of the church pastor and also one of the members of Financial Supervisory Council. This conflict has also resulted in the leadership of the church had violated human rights. Source of conflict is not resolved in a fair, but more concerned with political interests and groups. Thus, the source of the problem is still attached to its original place.


Author(s):  
Karen J. Alter

In 1989, when the Cold War ended, there were six permanent international courts. Today there are more than two dozen that have collectively issued over thirty-seven thousand binding legal rulings. This book charts the developments and trends in the creation and role of international courts, and explains how the delegation of authority to international judicial institutions influences global and domestic politics. The book presents an in-depth look at the scope and powers of international courts operating around the world. Focusing on dispute resolution, enforcement, administrative review, and constitutional review, the book argues that international courts alter politics by providing legal, symbolic, and leverage resources that shift the political balance in favor of domestic and international actors who prefer policies more consistent with international law objectives. International courts name violations of the law and perhaps specify remedies. The book explains how this limited power—the power to speak the law—translates into political influence, and it considers eighteen case studies, showing how international courts change state behavior. The case studies, spanning issue areas and regions of the world, collectively elucidate the political factors that often intervene to limit whether or not international courts are invoked and whether international judges dare to demand significant changes in state practices.


Author(s):  
Michael N. Barnett

How do American Jews envision their role in the world? Are they tribal—a people whose obligations extend solely to their own? Or are they prophetic—a light unto nations, working to repair the world? This book is an interpretation of the effects of these worldviews on the foreign policy beliefs of American Jews since the nineteenth century. The book argues that it all begins with the political identity of American Jews. As Jews, they are committed to their people's survival. As Americans, they identify with, and believe their survival depends on, the American principles of liberalism, religious freedom, and pluralism. This identity and search for inclusion form a political theology of prophetic Judaism that emphasizes the historic mission of Jews to help create a world of peace and justice. The political theology of prophetic Judaism accounts for two enduring features of the foreign policy beliefs of American Jews. They exhibit a cosmopolitan sensibility, advocating on behalf of human rights, humanitarianism, and international law and organizations. They also are suspicious of nationalism—including their own. Contrary to the conventional wisdom that American Jews are natural-born Jewish nationalists, the book charts a long history of ambivalence; this ambivalence connects their early rejection of Zionism with the current debate regarding their attachment to Israel. And, the book contends, this growing ambivalence also explains the rising popularity of humanitarian and social justice movements among American Jews.


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