scholarly journals "Powerless, Public-Spirited Women," "Angry Feminists," and "The Muffin Lobby": Newspaper and Magazine Coverage of the Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women, the National Action Committee on the Status of Women, and REAL Women of Canada

1999 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jenn Goddu

Abstract: This paper examines the interaction between women's groups and the media between 1980 and 1995. In particular, this analysis documents the relationship between the Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women, the National Action Committee on the Status of Women, and REAL Women of Canada and newspaper and magazine journalists. Using extensive examples from major Canadian daily newspapers and magazines and drawing on individual interviews with group leaders on whom the media focused, this study demonstrates how journalists stressed the personal, private details about the women leaders of the more feminist groups in an effort to contain the role of women in the public sphere. Résumé: Cet article examine l'interaction entre les groupes de femmes et les médias de 1980 à 1995. En particulier, cette analyse documente la relation entre d'une part le Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women ("Le Conseil consultatif canadien sur la condition de la femme"), le National Action Committee on the Status of Women ("Le Comité d'action national sur la condition de la femme") et REAL Women of Canada ("Femmes "réelles'' du Canada") et d'autre part les reporters de journaux et revues. Utilisant des exemples détaillés provenant de revues et de quotidiens importants au Canada et se fondant sur des entrevues particulières avec des dirigeantes de groupes sur lesquels les médias ont porté leur attention, cette étude montre comment les journalistes ont mis l'accent sur les détails privés et personnels ayant trait aux dirigeantes des groupes plus féministes afin de restreindre le rôle des femmes dans la sphère publique.

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-80
Author(s):  
Dina Afrianty

AbstractIndonesian women were at the forefront of activism during the turbulent period prior to reformasi and were a part of the leadership that demanded democratic change. Two decades after Indonesia embarked on democratic reforms, the country continues to face challenges on socio-religious and political fronts. Both the rise of political Islam and the increased presence of religion and faith in the public sphere are among the key features of Indonesia's consolidating democracy. This development has reinvigorated the discourse on citizenship and rights and also the historical debate over the relationship between religion and the state. Bearing this in mind, this paper looks at the narrative of women's rights and women's status in the public domain and public policy in Indonesia. It is evident, especially in the past decade, that much of the public conversation within the religious framework is increasingly centred on women's traditional social roles. This fact has motivated this study. Several norms and ideas that are relied on are based on cultural and faith-based interpretations - of gender. Therefore, this paper specifically examines examples of the ways in which social, legal, and political trends in this context affect progress with respect to gender equality and gender policy. I argue that these trends are attempts to subject women to conservative religious doctrines and to confine them to traditional gender roles. The article discusses how these developments should be seen in the context of the democratic transition in Indonesia.


1986 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-499 ◽  
Author(s):  
Çigdem Kagitçbasi

The status of women in Turkey may be examined from several perspectives. One perspective might focus on the public sphere and take into account the legal, political, and institutional reforms of hte Republican era and their reflection in the increasing literacy rates, educational attainment, political participation, labor force participation, and professionalization of women in Turkey. A second perspective might focus on the private sphere, mainly the family, and consider family dynamics and interaction patterns as well as the place of the woman in the family. This paper will adopt the second perspective. Before taking it up in detail, however, it may be helpful to consider briefly the general picture of the public sphere. This should provide us with necessary backgorund and help put our findings into context.


Author(s):  
Charlotte Sabourin

Theodor Gottlieb von Hippel, mayor of Königsberg, was a friend and former student of Immanuel Kant. This chapter investigates Hippel’s plea for the improvement of the civil status of women in eighteenth-century Germany. Hippel argues that men and women are equal and that this equality should lead to similar civil status. On these grounds, he shows that the Enlightenment is bound to be self-defeating if women are excluded from the public sphere. In doing so, he proposes a feminist appropriation of some of Kant’s ideas—in particular by revisiting the categorical imperative. Hippel’s proposals thus provide support to the idea that the legal subordination of women is a problem for the enactment of the Enlightenment broadly construed, and even more so in a Kantian perspective.


Author(s):  
Aga Skrodzka

This article argues for the importance of preserving the visual memory of female communist agency in today’s Poland, at the time when the nation’s relationship to its communist past is being forcefully rearticulated with the help of the controversial Decommunization Act, which affects the public space of the commons. The wholesale criminalization of communism by the ruling conservative forces spurred a wave of historical and symbolic revisions that undermine the legacy of the communist women’s movement, contributing to the continued erosion of women’s rights in Poland. By looking at recent cinema and its treatment of female communists as well as the newly published accounts of the communist women’s movement provided by feminist historians and sociologists, the project sheds light on current cultural debates that address the status of women in postcommunist Poland and the role of leftist legacy in such debates.


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-65
Author(s):  
Mary Varghese ◽  
Kamila Ghazali

Abstract This article seeks to contribute to the existing body of knowledge about the relationship between political discourse and national identity. 1Malaysia, introduced in 2009 by Malaysia’s then newly appointed 6th Prime Minister Najib Razak, was greeted with expectation and concern by various segments of the Malaysian population. For some, it signalled a new inclusiveness that was to change the discourse on belonging. For others, it raised concerns about changes to the status quo of ethnic issues. Given the varying responses of society to the concept of 1Malaysia, an examination of different texts through the critical paradigm of CDA provide useful insights into how the public sphere has attempted to construct this notion. Therefore, this paper critically examines the Prime Minister’s early speeches as well as relevant chapters of the socioeconomic agenda, the 10th Malaysia Plan, to identify the referential and predicational strategies employed in characterising 1Malaysia. The findings suggest a notion of unity that appears to address varying issues.


2010 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank van Vree

An Unstable Discipline. Journalism Studies & the Revolution in the Media An Unstable Discipline. Journalism Studies & the Revolution in the Media During the last decade media and journalism have got into turmoil; landslides have changed the traditional media landscape, overturning familiar marking points, institutions and patterns. To understand these radical changes journalism studies should not only develop a new research agenda, but also review its approach and perspective.This article looks back on recent development in the field and argues for a more cohesive perspective, taking journalism as a professional practice as its starting point. Furthermore a plea is made for a thorough research into the structural changes of the public sphere and the role and position of journalism.


1983 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-7
Author(s):  
Carole Browner

The articles in this special issue of Practicing Anthropology grew out of a symposium on "Women Anthropologists in the Public and Private Sectors: Opportunities for Non-Academic Career Advancement" sponsored by the Committee on the Status of Women (COSWA) at the 1981 Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Association. As organizers of the panel, Donald Lindburg and I sought participants from each subfield of anthropology working in both the public and private sectors. In the first regard we were successful, with presentations by social, linguistic and physical anthropologists and two archeologists. In the second regard we were less successful, with four of the five panelists—Sibley, Wynn, Wildesen, and Brockman—employed by private concerns.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Stacey Wellington

<p>The mechanics of Athenian society in many ways empowered citizen women as essential components of their community. This reality, being at odds with Athens’ pervasive patriarchal ideology, was obscured by men anxious to affirm the status quo, but also by women who sought to represent themselves as ‘ideal’ examples of their sex. Using the votive offerings dedicated by women to Athena on the Athenian Acropolis in the Archaic and Classical periods as a basis, this thesis explores such tensions between the implicit value of Athenian women, which prompted them to engage meaningfully with their wider community, and the ideological edict for their invisibility. This discussion is based primarily on two points: firstly, that the naming of a male family member in votive inscriptions denotes female citizen status, thus articulating citizen women’s independent value and prestige within the polis; and secondly that the ubiquity of working women among the dedicators, and value of the offerings themselves, reveals women as controlling financial resources to a more significant extent than other sources would have us believe. In both cases, the actual value and authority of the female dedicators is concealed as the women aimed for a perception of conspicuous invisibility to legitimise their engagement with the public sphere.</p>


Author(s):  
Lene Rimestad

Columns generally take up a lot of space in the media. But what can an employed journalist write in his column? How is this particular freedom managed and shaped? In this article the columns written by journalists working for Berlingske Tidende are analyzed. The analysis covers two months before and after substantial changes in the paper in 2003. Two parameters are used in the analysis: Political: Is the column pro-government, anti-government, apolitical or mixed. And what sphere does the column cover: Does the column take place in the private sphere or the public sphere? Finally the changes in the period are discussed. But initially the column as a genre is defined.


Author(s):  
Guobin CHENG

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.新型冠狀病毒疫情所帶來的巨大的、彌散的、不確定的威脅,使社會公共生活中人們熟悉和信賴的闢係與界限變得糢糊。在這種情沉下,人們最需要的就是發現“敵人”,重新為人際闢係和公共生活找到確定性。在精準、高效的科學檢測手段獲得普及之前,人們不得不選擇簡易的標籤化方法進行區 分。疫區標籤是通過清潔與污染的劃分來保護現有的正常生活秩序,但在找到敵人的過程中有可能造成對無辜者的誤傷;口罩標數的使用則首先指向了人群的區分與界限,是想要在混亂之中先找到群體邊界和歸屬感,但有可能會轉變為主動去創造敵人。這些手段的根本目的都是為了實現自我保護,但在這樣的利害關係考量之外,還存在著某種個人對他人和公共生活的普遍義務,只有我們能夠在生存危機的巨大壓力下選擇堅持這一道德義務,才能為戰勝疫情奠定真正的希望。當代的公共生活是一個緊密地彼此闢聯、密切交通、相互滲入和共生性的整體,但這個共同體本身是十分脆弱的,在巨大的安全壓力之下很容易滑向分裂與隔離。新型冠狀病毒疫情既是一次嚴峻的挑戰,又是一次重要的演習,我們需要在其中學到足夠多的經驗,為未來可能出現的更大危機做好準備。The huge, diffuse, and uncertain threat brought about by the Covid-19 epidemic has blurred familiar and trusted relationships and the boundaries of public life. Under such circumstances, what people need most is to uncover the “enemy” and regain certainty in interpersonal relations and the public sphere. Before the popularization of accurate and efficient scientific detection methods, people used simple labeling methods to tell concepts apart. Labeling epidemic areas protects the status quo by demarcating cleanliness from pollution, but in finding the enemy, doing so may cause accidental injury to the innocent. Labeling masks allows distinctions in the crowd so that group boundaries and senses of belonging can be found in chaos. However, such labeling may lead to the creation of enemies. The fundamental goal of these methods is self-protection. Nevertheless, in addition to such considerations, individuals have a wider moral obligation to others and to public life. Only by choosing to adhere to our moral obligations under the enormous pressure of a survival crisis can we find true hope to defeat the epidemic. Contemporary public life is a symbiotic community that is closely related, in close communication, and mutually enmeshed. Such a community is very fragile, and it can easily slip into divisiveness and become isolated under huge security pressures. The Covid-19 epidemic is not only a serious challenge, but also an important exercise. We need to learn enough to prepare for greater crisis that may arise in the future.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 31 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.


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