scholarly journals Eurasian Demotia: Formation of the Concept of Self-government

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 355-364
Author(s):  
Andrey V. Shabaga
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Harmonious Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
Important Principle ◽  
The People ◽  
Theoretical Significance ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Constructive Criticism ◽  
Ways Of Being

The article examines one of the key concepts of the Eurasianists - demotia. Despite its theoretical significance, the concept of demotia, like many other Eurasian concepts, has not been developed in detail. Meanwhile, demotia, as a concept proposing new principles of self-government, is of special interest and still has a certain practical potential. In Russia, the introduction of the beginnings of local self-government is associated with the Great Reforms of Alexander II. However, the acquired rights were deemed insufficient. Of the constructive criticism of reforms in the sphere of self-government, the most consistent was the theory of A.I. Herzen (communal socialism). It was in it that the Eurasians saw the basis for the future organization of the Eurasian space, which received its form in the concept of demotia. The article examines the views of a number of Eurasians on demotia. According to their views, demotia is the most important principle of self-government, which implements the method of organic representation of the people at all levels of government (N.N. Alekseev); being a Eurasian demotic system - ί, it is fundamentally different from the Western democratic - ί (Ya.D. Sadovsky). They also pointed to the political homogeneity of the demotic system, which was seen as a huge advantage over the multiparty democratic system of the West (N.S. Trubetskoy). As a result of the study, it is concluded that demotia was a necessary part of the ideocracy-demotia construct, actively promoted in the works of the Eurasians, as a project to create a truly classless and harmonious society. Demotia combines the idea of the Eurasian nationality (the circle of traditional ideas of the Eurasian peoples) and the principle of direct democracy, which reconciles the idea of an ethnos as a people as a whole with its traditional ideas and specific ways of being and the idea of a demos as a political people.

Constitutionalism, Liberalism, and Democracy

2021 ◽  
pp. 35-53
Author(s):  
Andrei Marmor
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Courts ◽  
Liberal Politics ◽  
Similar Tendency ◽  
External Threats ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Constitutional Judicial Review

This chapter describes the tension between democratic decision-making procedures and constitutional judicial review. It shows that the liberal values that justify a democratic self-government may also vindicate some limits on majoritarian decision-making procedures, but not necessarily in the form of the current constitutional regimes. The chapter argues that constitutional courts are not a necessary feature of a liberal regime. It also acknowledges that democratic decision-making has many defects. These defects concern the fate of persistent vulnerable minorities, the tendency towards short-sightedness, a similar tendency to downplay people's rights and liberties for the sake of greater economic gains or in the force of external threats, and finally the dangers of populism and anti-liberal politics gaining ground within a democratic system. The chapter then depicts courts as essentially conservative institutions which are not — and cannot be — as counter-majoritarian as depicted by legal scholars, mainly because their legitimacy and the acceptance of their decisions depends on the people. It contends that the acceptance and efficacy of judicial review is context dependent, but that some fights still need to be fought in the political, not the legal arena.

Going to the people popular culture and the intellectuals in Brazil

1984 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-275 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark J. Osiel
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
Daily Experience ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Traditions ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Political Vocabulary ◽  
Second World

A new and curious species of public figure emerged on the international scene after the Second World War, gaining in prominence and conspicuousness in the years that followed. His daily experience is often a trying one, marked by recurrent tension between conflicting commitments. Enjoying from bhth the comforts of the advanced industrial world, he seeks to speak onbehalf of the hungry and impoverished. Educated in the best universities, he lives among countrymen who are predominantly illiterate. He is regarded as an impertinent upstart by the diplomats of wealthier and more powerful nations. At the same time, he is suspected by his own people of compromising himself with the reigning powers of the international arena. He is well-versed and highly articulate in the political vocabulary of the West. Yet he is acutely sensitive to perceived slights against the political traditions of his native land. He is bitter about what the Western presence did to his native society. But the very categories in which he couches his criticisms of that presence—the rights to sovereignty, distributive justice, and national self-determination —are themselves the inheritance of the West. He follows with enthusiasm the latest currents of intellectual life in Europe and America. Yet he is deeply committed, simultaneously, to defending the dignity of his own people's cultural achievements. As a result of his modern education, he cannot help but feel somewhat estranged from the traditional beliefs and practices of his fellow citizens. Yet neither can he feel very comfortable as the mere bearer to them of the colonizer's culture, a culture he rarely regards entirely as his own. Such is the predicament of that loquacious and troublesome child of the post-colonial age, the Third World intellectual.

scholarly journals PENYELESAIAN PERSELISIHAN INTERNAL PARTAI POLITIK SECARA MUFAKAT DAN DEMOKRATIS / DISPUTE RESOLUTION OF INTERNAL POLITICAL PARTIES IN CONSENSUS AND DEMOCRATIC

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 375
Author(s):  
Randy Pradityo
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Community Leaders ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
The People ◽  
Internal Mechanism ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The Many

Penyelesaian perkara pada jalur litigasi yang cenderung lambat ditambah dengan penumpukan perkara, didukung dengan banyaknya celah atau kekurangan pada undang-undang partai politik, khususnya terkait penyelesaian perselisihan internal partai. Banyaknya permasalahan tersebut mengharuskan setiap individu yang terlibat untuk mengambil tindakan progresif dengan melampaui peraturan tersebut. Tindakan progresif yang dimaksud salah satunya melalui jalur non-litigasi yakni mediasi. Mediasi dilaksanakan dengan musyawarah mufakat, dengan melibatkan rakyat didalamnya, atau lebih tepatnya tokoh masyarakat yang dirasa netral. Terlepas hal itu merupakan sengketa internal partai, namun rakyatlah yang memiliki andil di dalam setiap roda kehidupan partai politik di dalam sistem demokrasi. Kemudian ada beberapa cara yang bisa ditempuh dalam rangka penyelesaian perselisihan internal partai politik, selain mediasi tadi, ada tiga sistem penunjang untuk mencegah potensi buruk yang ditimbulkan akibat gejolak internal partai. Pertama, melalui mekanisme internal yang menjamin demokratisasi melalui partisipasi anggota partai politik tersebut dalam proses pengambilan keputusan. Kedua, melalui mekanisme transparansi partai melalui rakyat di luar partai yang dapat ikut-serta berpartisipasi dalam penentuan kebijakan yang hendak diperjuangkan melalui dan oleh partai politik. Ketiga, menjamin kebebasan berpikir, berpendapat dan berekspresi, serta kebebasan untuk berkumpul dan berorganisasi secara damai.The settlement of cases in litigation pathways that tend to be slow coupled with the accumulation of cases, supported by the many gaps or shortcomings in the laws of political parties, especially related to the settlement of internal party disputes. The number of these problems requires every individual involved to take progressive action by exceeding these regulations. The progressive actions that are meant by one of them through non-litigation means mediation. Mediation is carried out through consensus deliberations, involving the people in it, or more precisely the community leaders who are perceived as neutral. Apart from that it is an internal party dispute, but it is the people who have a share in every wheel of the life of a political party in a democratic system. Then there are several ways that can be pursued in order to resolve internal political party disputes, in addition to the mediation, there are three support systems to prevent the bad potential arising from internal party turmoil. First, through an internal mechanism that guarantees democratization through the participation of members of the political party in the decision making process. Second, through the mechanism of party transparency through people outside the party who can participate in the determination of policies that are to be fought for through and by political parties. Third, guarantee the freedom of thought, opinion and expression, as well as the freedom to gather and organize peacefully.

scholarly journals The Development of the Constituent Social Class as Political Participation in Banda Aceh and Meulaboh

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Rena Juliana ◽  
Reni Juliani ◽  
Nurkhalis Nurkhalis
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The People ◽  
Or Groups ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The Voice ◽  
Banda Aceh

Indonesia adheres to a democratic system of government. Each citizen, on the basis of the choice of ordinary people, chooses free political participation and then changes their direction as a sympathizer. Today, the excitement of political participation in Indonesian society to spread on Aceh has been somewhat hurt because some people have changed the political climate to be bad. This is reflected in the previous political participation side by side to deliver rhetoric to reap the voice of the people, but it has become a competition for each other. The purpose of this study is to find out what types of political participation occurred in constituents in Banda Aceh and West Aceh and who are the actors or groups that weaken or strengthen political participation in the constituents. The research method used is a qualitative approach with informants consisting of key informants, subject informants and non-subject informants. The results showed that the types of political participation in the constituents of Banda Aceh and West Aceh were very different and that sympathizers and political actors continued to strengthen and weaken the constituents. It is expected that this research will be a comparative study of the dynamics of policy in the Aceh region.

scholarly journals Kampanie i strategie propagandowe towarzyszące budowie muru berlińskiego

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 95-109
Author(s):  
Ewa Matkowska
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constant Mass ◽  
Berlin Wall ◽  
Daily Newspaper ◽  
The West ◽  
Stalin Era ◽  
The People ◽  
West Berlin ◽  
Mass Outflow

Propaganda campaigns and strategies accompanying the construction of the Berlin Wall The article deals with propaganda campaigns connected with the construction of the Berlin Wall. Propaganda activities assisted the police operations which were aimed at the separation of the east sector from the west sectors of Berlin. These activities took place before, during and after the operation 13, August 1961. In the first part of the paper I describe the prior campaign on the basis of daily newspaper „Neues Deutschland”, the main press organ of the political party SED. The two dominating topics are related: „the human trafficking” and the people regularly crossing the sector border. Refugees became the main topic of the campaign due to the constant mass outflow of people from 100 to even 300 thousand people fled through West Berlin annually. The fake story, common in the soviet Stalin era, tells about western agents recruiting and trading citizens of the GDR to the West. They were denominated by the propaganda as „head hunters” or „human traffickers”. The people regularly crossing the sector border became the inner enemy. They lived in the eastern sector and worked in the western sectors which resulted in higher revenue. By manipulating the aroused feeling of jealousy the propagandists turn the group into a scapegoat. They accuse them of lack of merchandise and of offences. To put an end to these activities the border had to be closed. The closer to the day of the operation, the more aggressive and hysteric becomes the campaign. The culminant events are the „show trials” at the end of July 1961 during which the assumed „human traffickers” are sentenced to prison. The second part of the article deals with post campaigns which aimed at integration of the citizens within the borders of the DDR.

scholarly journals PUBLIC PERCEPTION REGARDING MONEY POLITICS IN GENERAL ELECTION 2019 (COMPARTIVE STUDY ON TEGAL CITY AND TEGAL REGENCY)

CosmoGov ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Sri Sutjiatmi ◽  
Dwian Hartomi Akta Padma Eldo ◽  
Arif Zainudin
Keyword(s):  
Mixed Method ◽  
Public Perception ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
High Knowledge ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
High Attitude

This paper is intended to look at the condition of Indonesia related to the still rampant occurrence of money politics which is a problem in the community when the 2019 elections simultaneously. This research takes a case study between Tegal City and Tegal Regency. The interesting thing in this study is to see how the community's assessment of the Tegal city and Tegal Regency groups regarding money politics in the 2019 elections simultaneously. The method used is a mixed method (between Mixed Methods) between quantitative and qualitative, by calculating the Solvin formula by deepening the analysis by interviewing the speakers directly. The results of the study showed that the people of Tegal City had a relatively high attitude of not paying attention to the Politics of Money in the General Election relating to the political money of the General Elections in 2019 at the same time. Unlike the people of Tegal Regency who consider money politics as a culture that is difficult to remove. Also interesting is the beginner voter group Tegal Regency has a fairly high knowledge about money politics that can damage the democratic system compared to the Beginner voters in Tegal City.

scholarly journals Pemikiran Politik Tan Malaka Tentang Konsep Negara Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
Ponirin Ponirin ◽  
Agum Patria Silaban
Keyword(s):  
Data Analysis ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Textual Studies ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The Mind ◽  
The Village

It aims to test anything that influences the Political thinking Tan Malaka about the Consept of the Indonesian State, setting aside the concept of the state in the view of Tan Malaka and putting forth the effort the makes in fulfilling the concept of a joyful state. This type of research is a study literature. As for data collection techniques in this study is a library study, it means the author did reseach by collecting books, documents, articles, scripts, and the like. With the approach: textual studies, context studies, and historical studies. The data analysis of the data is heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and presentation. From the results of the research, it is known that Tan Malaka was a hero of the independence movement, he was born in the village of Pandan Gadang, not far from the Suliki Sprout, Limopilih Koto Regency, East Sumatera. He began to think of the fate of this people who were colonized after education in the Netherlands. The influence of circumstances and understanding is like the circumstances of his people, then education that this finally influenced by Marxism and the revolutiomary movement of Europe (the French, British, and Russian Revolutions) have set the mind to a left (Communist). Long before the other leading figures of independence, Tan Malaka had designed the consep of the Indonesian state before the independent of Indonesia. He saw and compared the concept of repulic and kingdom. For him the kingdom is irrelevant to the welfare of the people. Tan Malaka would prefer the concept of a union or a republic with a democratic system. For him the people must be in charge.then it may be concluded tha the concept of the Indonesian state tha Tan Malakan was the DemocraticKey word : Tan Malaka's Point of view, Indonesian State

scholarly journals Delimitation of the political and criminal responsibility in terms of valuable basics of the public administration

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (6-7) ◽  
pp. 31-37
Author(s):  
T. M. Tarasenko
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Criminal Responsibility ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Criminal Prosecution ◽  
Political Responsibility ◽  
Abuse Of Power ◽  
The Public ◽  
Democratic System

The Article discloses the essence of the problem concerning the delimitation of the political and criminal responsibility for the further development of the public administration. It has been revealed that differences in the development processes of relations in the matter of the political responsibility are disclosed in terms of the quality of democracy, as well as redistribution of the responsibility between the central, regional and local levels of the administration. In different countries, it finds various manifestations: failure to comply with standards of democracy and abusing the criminal responsibility; attempts to avoid the criminal prosecution for the abuse of power being limited to the political responsibility; raising the level of the responsibility, in particular, criminal one, at the subnational level of the power organization. In the broad sense, all the manifestations confirm the conclusion on the «responsibility crisis» aggravation in the conditions of the democratic system of values. The growing importance of the political responsibility in the representative democracy and development of the regional and local democracy are substantiated. It is noted that the principles of the political and legal system of the state should create the basis for the separation of the political and criminal responsibility. First of all, this refers to the Constitution, which is a form of the contract between the state and society; such capacity of the Constitution demonstrates the functioning and maturity of democracy, and respect for the law in the state. The issue of punishment for political mistakes or divergences should be regulated, to a large extent, by procedures of the political accountability. The important task in this regard is to ensure the clear regulation of the accountability procedures of power entities for their activities. There is a need in clarification of the criminal legislation categories, such as «abuse of power», «abuse of office», and «abuse of authorities». Filling them with a clearer content can be done on the basis of clarifying certain criteria (for example, intention, negligence, personal benefit, etc.). The emphasis is made to the importance of realizing the fact that the practice of transition to the judicial examination of cases to be heard within the limits of the political responsibility leads, in particular, to decreasing the role of citizens in the expression of no-confidence against authorities when assessing their activities. Moving away from the idea of considering the political responsibility based on the assessment of voters and population leads to its «lock-in» on the responsibility of public power authorities with respect to each other, which threatens to deepen the irresponsibility and to enhance the leveling of people’s sovereignty.It is noted that the crisis of the responsibility has various risks for democracy at different levels of the public administration. For the Ukrainian practice, they are, in particular, linked with the containment of the process of introducing the representative and direct democracy standards. For countries with long-standing traditions of the democracy governance, it finds expression in the certain limitation of the democratic system as for finding adequate responses to meet the current challenges faced by society in the process of implementing the public authority.

scholarly journals The Popular Political Parties and their Participation in Pakistan’s Democratic System

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dr. Zahid Yasin ◽  
◽  
Iqra jathol ◽  
Dr. Muhammad Muzaffar
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
National Security ◽  
Political System ◽  
Development Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic System

Since independence of Pakistan on 14 August, 1947; role Political parties are one of the most important and influential element of Pakistan’s politics. Two popular parties have had ruled various periods in Pakistan's history. This article tries to examine their participation and their role in politics and Pakistan’s democratic system. Question arises that how political parties and their actions influence on state’s democratic system. This document also seeks to debate the part of major political parties in the development process of Pakistan’s politics when they are in power or in opposition. The political system in Pakistan is not well developed. As a result, the people of Pakistani are deprived of adequate leadership, which is seen as a threat to Pakistan‘s national security or domestic system.

Adh-Dhahabī's “Ta'rīkh al-islām” as an Authority on the Mongol Invasion of the Caliphate

1936 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 595-604
Author(s):  
Joseph de Somogyi
Keyword(s):  
Indian Ocean ◽  
Asia Minor ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Unity ◽  
The People ◽  
Abbasid Caliphate ◽  
The Indian Ocean ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
The Ganges

Scarcely ever has Islām experienced more tragical times and more hardships than during the Mongol invasion in the course of the thirteenth century a.d. With the despite of the nomads, practitioners of the open-air life, for sedentary occupations, the people of Jengis Khān turned against and mercilessly destroyed the towns and works of civilization everywhere. Their disastrous campaign was only facilitated by the decomposition of the political unity of Islām at that time. In Baghdād the 'Abbāsid caliphate still subsisted, but its splendour was on the wane; to the west of Baghdād, in Egypt, Palestine, and a part of Syria, the Ayyūbids reigned, and in Asia Minor the Seljūqs, while to the east of Baghdād the Turkish princes from Khiva had, a rather insecure hold on the vast stretch of the Khwārizmian empire from the Ganges to the Tigris and from Turkestān to the Indian Ocean. This state of affairs was inviting to an enterprising invader of the sort of Jengis Khān who, in 1218, crushed the Khwārizmian empire, while his grandson, Hūlāghū Khān, put an end to the 'Abbāsid caliphate in 1258. The western provinces of Islām, including Egypt, were, however, spared from the devastating fury of the Mongols by the Mamlūk Sulṭān's victory over Ketbogha, Hūlāghū's general, at 'Ayn Jālūt, Palestine, in 1260. When in 1299–1301 his grandson Qāzān failed in conquering Syria Islām was definitely safe from further Mongol attacks.

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